（下边有中文翻译请继续看到底。 谢谢。）
As the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) approaches its 100th anniversary, it stands as one of the most influential forces shaping modern India’s political, social, and cultural trajectory. 随着国民志愿服务团（RSS）成立100周年，它成为塑造现代印度政治、社会和文化轨迹的最具影响力的力量之一。
The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, commonly known as RSS, is an Indian right-wing Hindutva volunteer paramilitary organization that represents a fascist, extremist, and intolerant movement that has eroded India’s secular fabric and endangered its minorities. The RSS was founded on 27 September 1925 in Nagpur by Dr. Keshav Baliram Hedgewar, a former Congress activist disillusioned with the party’s secular nationalism. Drawing on Vinayak Damodar Savarkar’s Hindutva doctrine, Hedgewar envisioned a disciplined Hindu society united above caste, class, or linguistic divides.
An organization that regards the Mahabharat as an ultimate source for ideological guidance on matters of politics and Hindutva-led governance at the expense of the Indian Constitution, the RSS, from the word go, is an anti-secular, anti-minority force, vying for a Hindu-led Bharat in place of a secular India. The RSS’s history is a century-long arc of ideological consolidation, political infiltration, and grassroots indoctrination—culminating in its unprecedented dominance during the Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi era. From the start, RSS organized itself like a paramilitary—structured shakhas (branches) drilled volunteers in physical training, nationalist songs, and ideological lectures. Hedgewar’s successor, M. S. Golwalkar, hardened its worldview, portraying non-Hindus, especially Muslims and Christians, as alien elements who must either assimilate or accept a subordinate status. This language bore a disturbing resemblance to European fascist movements of the same period.
The RSS’s ideology brought it into repeated confrontation with India’s early leadership. It has been banned three times since independence:
• 1948 – After Mahatma Gandhi’s assassination by Nathuram Godse, a former RSS member, the Nehru government declared it a “private army on Nazi lines.” Thousands of cadres, including Golwalkar, were arrested. The ban was lifted only after the RSS pledged loyalty to the Constitution and the national flag.
• 1975 – Indira Gandhi’s Emergency targeted the RSS for its opposition to authoritarian rule.
• 1992 – In the wake of the Babri Masjid demolition, the P. V. Narasimha Rao government banned the RSS and several affiliates.
• For decades, government employees were prohibited from membership in the RSS—a policy only overturned in 2024.
From the late 1940s to the 1980s, the RSS avoided direct electoral politics, focusing instead on cultural mobilization. It built a sprawling family of affiliated organizations, the Sangh Parivar, covering education, labor unions, women’s groups, student bodies, and militant youth wings like Bajrang Dal.
Politically speaking, the RSS influence flowed through the Bharatiya Jana Sangh (founded in 1951) and later the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). In the late 1980s and early 1990s, the RSS provided the ideological and organizational muscle for the Ayodhya Ram Janmabhoomi movement, culminating in the Babri Masjid’s demolition in 1992. The 2002 Gujarat riots, during Narendra Modi’s tenure as chief minister of the state, were another flashpoint where critics accused the RSS-linked networks of complicity in anti-Muslim violence.
Narendra Modi, a lifelong RSS pracharak (campaigner), became prime minister in 2014. Under his leadership, the RSS shifted from a backstage role to being the ideological nerve center of government. Its cultural symbols, vocabulary, and worldview have penetrated public policy, education, and state institutions.
Critics document a marked rise in hate crimes against Muslims and Christians since 2014. Cow-protection lynchings, “love jihad” conspiracy theories, and open calls for Muslim exclusion from economic life have become disturbingly common. Many perpetrators operate through or alongside the RSS affiliates, often with political cover or tacit state sympathy.
The RSS’s narrative casts Indian Muslims as outsiders and Christians as agents of foreign influence. This ideological framing has contributed to vigilante attacks, harassment of interfaith couples, and the vandalism of churches. In Kashmir, the abrogation of Article 370 in 2019 aligned closely with the RSS’s long-held demand to erase the region’s special status, paving the way for demographic and political changes that weaken its Muslim majority character.
Such actions deepen alienation, sow distrust, and erode the fragile pluralism India once championed.
The RSS excels at grassroots mobilization. Its network of schools, cultural associations, and media platforms amplifies narratives that portray minorities as demographic, cultural, and security threats. This creates a climate where hate speech is normalized, sectarian divisions are politically profitable, and dissenters are labeled as anti-national.
The main narrative of the RSS casts Indian Muslims as outsiders and Christians as agents of foreign influence.
With the centenary approaching, the RSS is no longer an underground cultural society. It is the most powerful socio-political machine in India, fused with the ruling party, and shaping the national agenda in ways that risk institutionalizing discrimination.
From Pakistan’s perspective, this is not just an Indian domestic issue but a regional security concern. An ideologically rigid, communal India increases the likelihood of sectarian violence, undermines bilateral dialogue, and jeopardizes the safety of Indian Muslims, Christians, and other minorities.
If the dangers posed by the RSS are to be addressed, the response must be multidimensional:
• Document and Publicize Abuses – Compile verified data on hate crimes, vigilante violence, and institutional bias linked to the RSS ideology.
• Strengthen Legal Protections – Demand stricter enforcement of anti-hate speech laws and legal accountability for political leaders who incite violence.
· Empower Minorities – Support community organizations, legal aid networks, and youth leadership programmes for Muslims, Christians, Dalits, and Adivasis.
• Mobilize Civil Society – Build alliances among secular activists, journalists, academics, and artists to defend constitutional secularism.
• Engage Internationally – Encourage global human rights bodies and democratic governments to monitor and pressure India on minority protections.
• Counter the Narrative – Promote stories of interfaith cooperation, shared heritage, and pluralist values that directly challenge RSS propaganda.
As it turns 100, the RSS represents a paradox: an organization that began as a “cultural volunteer corps” now wields unmatched influence over the world’s largest democracy. For its supporters, it is the guardian of Hindu pride. For its critics, it is a fascist project undermining India’s secular soul.
India and the international community must choose whether to accept the RSS’s vision of a Hindu-first nation or insist on the plural, inclusive republic promised in its Constitution.
From Pakistan’s vantage point, and for all who believe in the equal dignity of communities, the centenary of RSS must not be a celebration—it must be a moment of reckoning.
Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh，通常被称为RSS，是一个印度右翼印度教志愿准军事组织，代表着法西斯主义，极端主义和不宽容的运动，侵蚀了印度的世俗结构并危及其少数民族。RSS于1925年9月27日在那格浦尔由Keshav Baliram Hedgewar博士创立，他是一位对该党世俗民族主义幻想破灭的前国大党活动家。根据Vinayak Damodar Savarkar的印度教教义，Hedgewar设想了一个超越种姓、阶级或语言鸿沟的有纪律的印度社会。
RSS将《摩诃婆罗特》视为政治事务和印度教主导的治理的意识形态指导的终极来源，以牺牲印度宪法为代价。从一开始，RSS就是一支反世俗、反少数民族的力量，它在争夺一个印度教主导的印度来取代一个世俗的印度。RSS的历史是一个长达一个世纪的意识形态巩固、政治渗透和基层灌输的历史，在印度总理纳伦德拉·莫迪时代达到了前所未有的统治地位。从一开始，RSS就像一个准军事组织的shakhas（分支）一样组织自己，对志愿者进行体能训练、民族主义歌曲和意识形态讲座。《刺猬》的继任者m·s·戈尔沃克（M. S. Golwalkar）强化了自己的世界观，把非印度教徒，尤其是穆斯林和基督徒，描绘成外来元素，要么被同化，要么接受从属地位。这种语言与同一时期的欧洲法西斯运动有令人不安的相似之处。
RSS的意识形态使其与印度早期领导层不断发生冲突。自独立以来，它已经被禁止了三次：
1948年——在圣雄甘地（Mahatma Gandhi）被前RSS成员纳图拉姆·戈德塞（Nathuram Godse）暗杀后，尼赫鲁政府宣布它是一支“纳粹路线上的私人军队”。包括Golwalkar在内的数千名干部被逮捕。在RSS宣誓效忠宪法和国旗后，禁令才被解除。
•1975年——英迪拉·甘地（Indira Gandhi）的紧急状态以反对威权统治的RSS为目标。
1992年，在巴布里清真寺被拆除之后，p·v·纳拉辛哈·拉奥政府禁止了RSS和几个分支机构。
•几十年来，政府雇员被禁止加入rss——这项政策直到2024年才被推翻。
从20世纪40年代末到80年代，RSS避免了直接的选举政治，而是专注于文化动员。它建立了一个庞大的附属组织家族，Sangh Parivar，涵盖教育、工会、妇女团体、学生团体和像Bajrang Dal这样的激进青年组织。
从政治上讲，RSS的影响力通过印度人民党（Bharatiya Janata Sangh，成立于1951年）和后来的印度人民党（BJP）流动。在20世纪80年代末和90年代初，RSS为Ayodhya Ram Janmabhoomi运动提供了意识形态和组织力量，该运动在1992年拆毁巴布里清真寺时达到高潮。2002年，纳伦德拉•莫迪（Narendra Modi）担任古吉拉特邦首席部长期间发生的骚乱是另一个爆发点，批评者指责与rss有关联的网络在反穆斯林暴力中串通一气。
纳伦德拉·莫迪（Narendra Modi）是一名终身的RSS普拉恰拉克（活动家），于2014年成为总理。在他的领导下，RSS从后台角色转变为政府意识形态的神经中枢。它的文化符号、词汇和世界观已经渗透到公共政策、教育和国家机构中。
批评人士指出，自2014年以来，针对穆斯林和基督徒的仇恨犯罪明显增加。保护奶牛的私刑，“爱圣战”阴谋论，以及公开呼吁将穆斯林排除在经济生活之外，已经变得令人不安地普遍。许多肇事者通过RSS附属机构或与之合作，通常有政治掩护或默许的同情。
RSS的叙述将印度穆斯林视为外来者，将基督徒视为外国势力的代理人。这种意识形态框架助长了治安维持者的攻击、对不同信仰的夫妻的骚扰以及对教堂的破坏。在克什米尔，2019年废除第370条与RSS长期以来要求消除该地区特殊地位的要求密切一致，为人口和政治变革铺平了道路，削弱了穆斯林占多数的特征。
这种行为加深了印度的疏远，播下了不信任的种子，侵蚀了印度曾经捍卫的脆弱的多元主义。
RSS擅长草根动员。它的学校、文化协会和媒体平台网络放大了将少数民族描绘成人口、文化和安全威胁的叙事。这造成了一种氛围，仇恨言论被正常化，宗派分裂在政治上有利可图，持不同政见者被贴上反国家的标签。
RSS的主要叙述将印度穆斯林视为外来者，将基督徒视为外国影响力的代理人。
随着一百周年的临近，RSS不再是一个地下文化社会。它是印度最强大的社会政治机器，与执政党融合在一起，以可能使歧视制度化的方式塑造国家议程。
从巴基斯坦的角度来看，这不仅是印度国内问题，也是地区安全问题。一个意识形态僵化的社区印度增加了宗派暴力的可能性，破坏了双边对话，并危及印度穆斯林、基督徒和其他少数民族的安全。
如果要解决RSS造成的危险，就必须采取多方面的应对措施：
•记录和宣传滥用行为-汇编与RSS意识形态有关的仇恨犯罪、义务警员暴力和制度偏见的核实数据。
•加强法律保护-要求更严格地执行反仇恨言论法，并对煽动暴力的政治领导人追究法律责任。
·赋予少数群体权力——支持社区组织、法律援助网络，以及针对穆斯林、基督徒、达利特人和阿迪瓦西斯人的青年领导力项目。
•动员公民社会——在世俗活动家、记者、学者和艺术家之间建立联盟，捍卫宪法世俗主义。
•参与国际事务——鼓励全球人权机构和民主政府在保护少数民族方面对印度进行监督和施压。
•反叙事——宣传不同信仰间合作、共同遗产和多元价值观的故事，这些故事直接挑战RSS的宣传。
在成立100周年之际，RSS代表了一个悖论：一个以“文化志愿者军团”起家的组织，如今对这个世界上最大的民主国家有着无与伦比的影响力。对于它的支持者来说，它是印度自豪感的守护者。对于批评者来说，这是一个破坏印度世俗灵魂的法西斯项目。
印度和国际社会必须做出选择，是接受国民志愿服务团建立印度教优先国家的愿景，还是坚持宪法中承诺的多元、包容的共和国。
从巴基斯坦的角度来看，对于所有相信社区平等尊严的人来说，RSS成立一百周年不应该是一个庆祝活动，而应该是一个清算的时刻。
( 注意： 本文是用AI翻译的，或有误差。请以原版英文为准。谢谢。)
Reference Link:- https://southasia.com.pk/2025/09/02/bharat-vs-india/