The Waqf Bill is not an isolated law but a part of a pre-documented and escalating effort by the Modi government to coerce, suppress, and ultimately marginalize the Indian Muslims. Waqf法案不是一个孤立的法律，而是莫迪政府强迫、压制并最终边缘化印度穆斯林的预先记录和不断升级的努力的一部分。
India, which was once known globally as the world’s largest democracy, has historically upheld a secular constitution and pluralistic traditions in the past. However, under the rule of Prime Minister Narendra Modi and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), India’s secular framework is increasingly under siege. The passage of the Waqf Properties (Eviction of Unauthorized Occupants) Bill, commonly known as the Waqf Bill, is not merely a legal reform—it represents a deeper, more insidious strategy: the use of law as a weapon to coerce and suppress the Muslim minority in India.
What is the Waqf Bill?
Waqf properties are religious endowments established by Muslims for charitable, educational, and religious purposes, including mosques, schools, graveyards, and orphanages. Managed by state Waqf Boards under the Waqf Act of 1995, these properties are meant to serve the community in perpetuity.
The newly introduced Waqf Bill gives sweeping powers to Waqf Boards to evict individuals from Waqf properties without civil court intervention. Tribunals, often politically influenced, will handle disputes, and civil courts are explicitly barred from jurisdiction.
Why Is It Being Opposed?
Muslim organizations, scholars, legal experts, and civil rights activists across India view the Waqf Bill as a tool of state coercion—designed not to protect Waqf lands, but to centralize control, disrupt religious institutions, and eliminate legal resistance.
Elimination of Judicial Recourse: The bill bars access to civil courts for eviction disputes, effectively denying citizens the right to a fair trial and placing Muslims at the mercy of politicized tribunals.
State Seizure of Muslim Heritage: Waqf properties include centuries-old mosques and schools serving marginalized communities. The bill enables the state to seize these properties arbitrarily, often under the pretext of encroachment or unauthorized occupation.
Coercion Through Legal Mechanisms: By undermining judicial oversight, the bill creates a climate of fear, discouraging the Muslim community from asserting its rights or expanding its institutions.
A Pattern of Suppression
Since entering politics through the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS)—a Hindu nationalist organization—Narendra Modi has pursued a political ideology rooted in Hindutva, a vision of India as a Hindu-only nation. His rise to national prominence has been accompanied by a systematic targeting of Muslims through policies, rhetoric, and institutional control.
Gujarat Pogrom (2002): The Genesis of a Political Strategy
As Chief Minister of Gujarat in 2002, Modi presided over one of the bloodiest communal riots in India’s history. Over 2,000 people—mostly Muslims—were killed, thousands displaced, and entire neighborhoods destroyed. Multiple reports, including those from Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International, documented state complicity and police inaction. Survivors accused the administration of inciting mobs and shielding perpetrators.
Though the Indian Supreme Court later cleared Modi, many believe that his silence during the carnage was calculated, consolidating the Hindu vote and setting a precedent for electoral gains through communal polarization.
Use of State Machinery Against Muslims
Under Modi’s premiership, the institutions of state—police, intelligence, courts, and even education—have been used to intimidate and marginalize Muslims. The Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA) has been selectively used to arrest Muslim activists and scholars, while hate speech from ruling party leaders goes unpunished.
Notable examples include the arrests of Umar Khalid, Safoora Zargar, and Sharjeel Imam, who were jailed without trial during the anti-CAA protests. Meanwhile, those who incited violence against Muslims, such as BJP politician Kapil Mishra, were never held accountable.
Under Modi, minority scholarship programs have been defunded, Waqf institutions have faced scrutiny, and Muslim localities suffer from poor infrastructure and a lack of public services.
The Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), 2019
The CAA excludes Muslims from fast-tracked citizenship, even as it provides the same to Hindus, Sikhs, Buddhists, and others from neighboring countries. Combined with the proposed National Register of Citizens (NRC), it creates a blueprint for mass disenfranchisement. In Assam alone, 1.9 million people were excluded from the NRC list—many of them Muslims.
Protests erupted nationwide, led by students and women, most notably at Shaheen Bagh, but were met with baton charges, internet shutdowns, and imprisonment.
Revocation of Article 370
In August 2019, the Modi government unilaterally revoked Article 370, stripping Jammu & Kashmir of its semi-autonomous status. The region, India’s only Muslim-majority state, was put under military lockdown, with thousands of political leaders and civilians detained and internet access suspended for over seven months.
This move not only violated democratic norms but was perceived as a colonial-style occupation of a Muslim homeland, silencing dissent through force and fear.
Criminalizing Muslim Identity
In BJP-ruled states, Muslim cultural and religious practices have come under attack:
• Hijab bans in Karnataka excluded Muslim girls from education.
• “Love Jihad” laws criminalize interfaith marriages, targeting Muslim men.
• Madrasas face arbitrary raids and funding cuts, demonizing religious education.
• Even dietary habits are policed: beef bans have led to mob lynchings, with over 50 people killed in cow-related violence since 2015—most of them Muslims.
Economic and Social Marginalization
Muslims continue to rank lowest in education, employment, and income. According to the Sachar Committee Report, Muslims have lower representation in government jobs than Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes.
Under Modi, minority scholarship programs have been defunded, Waqf institutions have faced scrutiny, and Muslim localities suffer from poor infrastructure and a lack of public services.
Waqf Bill – A Strategic Tool
When placed within this broader pattern, the Waqf Bill becomes more than an administrative reform—it is a strategic move to alienate Muslims further and dismantle their institutional base.
• It erodes the legal autonomy of Waqf Boards.
• It facilitates land grabs of Muslim charitable endowments.
• It strips communities of cultural and religious spaces, accelerating their social erasure.
Muslims fear that, under the guise of legality, the government aims to erase Islamic presence in India’s public and urban life, replacing it with a singular Hindu identity.
Fear, Resistance, and Desperation
Prominent Muslim organizations, such as the All India Muslim Personal Law Board (AIMPLB) and Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind, have vocally opposed the bill. Lawyers, students, and clerics argue that it is yet another measure meant to silence a historically marginalized group.
“This is not about land—it is about erasing our history, our presence, and our dignity,” said Maulana Khalid Saifullah, a senior cleric in Delhi. Civil society organizations warn that such measures will not only fuel communal tension but threaten the very fabric of Indian democracy.
Suppression Under the Guise of Reform
The Waqf Bill is not an isolated law—it is part of a well-documented and escalating effort by the Modi government to coerce, suppress, and ultimately marginalize the Muslim population in India. From state violence to legislative discrimination, from hate speech to economic exclusion, Indian Muslims are witnessing the dismantling of their rights and representation.
India today stands at a crossroads. Will it uphold the constitutional values of equality, justice, and secularism? Or will it slide further into majoritarian authoritarianism, where law becomes a tool of oppression rather than protection?
For Indian Muslims, the struggle continues—not just for property or identity, but for existence with dignity and justice in the land they have called home for over a thousand years.
印度曾经是世界上最大的民主国家，历史上一直坚持世俗宪法和多元传统。然而，在总理纳伦德拉·莫迪（Narendra Modi）和印度人民党（BJP）的统治下，印度的世俗框架日益受到围攻。《驱逐非法居住者法案》（俗称《Waqf法案》）的通过不仅仅是一项法律改革——它代表了一种更深层次、更阴险的策略：利用法律作为武器来胁迫和镇压印度的穆斯林少数民族。
什么是Waqf法案？
Waqf财产是穆斯林为慈善、教育和宗教目的而建立的宗教捐赠，包括清真寺、学校、墓地和孤儿院。根据1995年的Waqf法案，这些物业由州Waqf委员会管理，旨在永久为社区服务。
新出台的Waqf法案赋予了Waqf董事会广泛的权力，可以在没有民事法庭干预的情况下将个人从Waqf财产中驱逐出去。通常受政治影响的法庭将处理纠纷，而民事法庭则被明确禁止行使管辖权。
为什么会被反对？
印度各地的穆斯林组织、学者、法律专家和民权活动人士都将Waqf法案视为国家强制的工具，其目的不是保护Waqf土地，而是集中控制，扰乱宗教机构，消除法律阻力。
消除司法追索权：该法案禁止将驱逐纠纷诉诸民事法庭，实际上剥夺了公民获得公平审判的权利，并将穆斯林置于政治化法庭的摆布之下。
国家没收穆斯林遗产：Waqf财产包括为边缘社区服务的有几百年历史的清真寺和学校。该法案使政府能够以侵占或未经授权的占领为借口，任意夺取这些财产。
通过法律机制进行胁迫：通过削弱司法监督，该法案制造了一种恐惧气氛，使穆斯林社区不敢维护自己的权利或扩大自己的机构。
抑制模式
自从通过印度教民族主义组织国民志愿服务团（RSS）进入政界以来，纳伦德拉·莫迪（narendra Modi）一直追求一种植根于印度教至上主义（Hindutva）的政治意识形态，即把印度视为一个只有印度教徒的国家。伴随着他在全国范围内的崛起，他通过政策、言论和制度控制系统地针对穆斯林。
古吉拉特邦大屠杀（2002）：政治策略的起源
2002年，作为古吉拉特邦首席部长，莫迪主持了印度历史上最血腥的社区骚乱之一。超过2000人——大部分是穆斯林——被杀害，数千人流离失所，整个社区被摧毁。包括人权观察（Human Rights Watch）和国际特赦组织（Amnesty International）在内的多份报告都记录了政府的共谋和警方的不作为。幸存者指责政府煽动暴民，包庇肇事者。
尽管印度最高法院后来为莫迪洗脱了罪名，但许多人认为，他在大屠杀期间的沉默是经过深思熟虑的，巩固了印度教徒的选票，并为通过种族两极分化赢得选举创造了先例。
使用国家机器对付穆斯林
在莫迪的领导下，国家警察、情报、法院甚至教育机构都被用来恐吓和边缘化穆斯林。《非法活动（预防）法》（UAPA）被选择性地用来逮捕穆斯林活动人士和学者，而执政党领导人的仇恨言论却没有受到惩罚。
值得注意的例子包括逮捕Umar Khalid， Safoora Zargar和Sharjeel Imam，他们在反caa抗议活动中未经审判就被监禁。与此同时，那些煽动针对穆斯林的暴力行为的人，比如印度人民党（BJP）政客米什拉（Kapil Mishra），从未被追究责任。
在莫迪的领导下，少数民族奖学金项目被取消，Waqf机构面临审查，穆斯林地区的基础设施落后，缺乏公共服务。
《公民身份修正案》（CAA）， 2019年
《公民法》将穆斯林排除在快速入籍之外，尽管它为印度教徒、锡克教徒、佛教徒和其他邻国的人提供了同样的待遇。与拟议中的国家公民登记册（NRC）相结合，它创造了一个大规模剥夺公民权的蓝图。仅在阿萨姆邦，就有190万人被排除在NRC名单之外，其中许多是穆斯林。
抗议活动在全国范围内爆发，由学生和妇女领导，最引人注目的是在沙欣巴格（Shaheen Bagh），但遭到了警棍指控、互联网关闭和监禁。
第370条的撤销
2019年8月，莫迪政府单方面撤销了第370条，剥夺了查谟和克什米尔的半自治地位。该地区是印度唯一一个穆斯林占多数的邦，目前处于军事封锁状态，数千名政治领导人和平民被拘留，互联网接入暂停了7个多月。
这一举动不仅违反了民主规范，而且被视为对穆斯林家园的殖民式占领，通过武力和恐惧压制异议。
将穆斯林身份定为犯罪
在人民党统治的邦，穆斯林的文化和宗教习俗受到了攻击。
•卡纳塔克邦的头巾禁令将穆斯林女孩排除在教育之外。
•“爱圣战”（Love Jihad）法律将跨宗教婚姻定为犯罪，针对的是穆斯林男性。
•伊斯兰学校面临武断搜查和资金削减，宗教教育被妖魔化。
•甚至饮食习惯也受到监管：牛肉禁令导致暴民私刑，自2015年以来，已有50多人在与牛有关的暴力事件中丧生，其中大多数是穆斯林。
经济和社会边缘化
穆斯林在教育、就业和收入方面仍然排名最低。根据萨迦委员会的报告，穆斯林在政府工作中的比例低于在册种姓和在册部落。
在莫迪的领导下，少数民族奖学金项目被取消，Waqf机构面临审查，穆斯林地区的基础设施落后，缺乏公共服务。
Waqf法案-一个战略工具
当置于这一更广泛的格局中时，Waqf法案就不仅仅是一项行政改革——它是一项进一步疏远穆斯林并摧毁其制度基础的战略举措。
•它削弱了Waqf董事会的法律自主权。
•它促进了穆斯林慈善捐赠基金的土地掠夺。
•它剥夺了社区的文化和宗教空间，加速了他们的社会抹除。
穆斯林担心，在合法性的幌子下，政府旨在消除伊斯兰教在印度公共和城市生活中的存在，代之以单一的印度教身份。
恐惧，抗拒和绝望
著名的穆斯林组织，如全印度穆斯林个人法委员会（AIMPLB）和印度穆斯林联合会（Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind），都公开反对这项法案。律师、学生和神职人员认为，这是另一项旨在压制历史上被边缘化群体的措施。
“这与土地无关，这是为了抹去我们的历史、我们的存在和我们的尊严，”德里的高级神职人员毛拉哈立德赛富拉（Maulana Khalid Saifullah）说。民间社会组织警告说，这些措施不仅会加剧社区紧张局势，还会威胁到印度民主的根本结构。
以改革为幌子的镇压
Waqf法案并不是一个孤立的法律——它是莫迪政府强迫、镇压并最终边缘化印度穆斯林人口的有据可查的不断升级的努力的一部分。从国家暴力到立法歧视，从仇恨言论到经济排斥，印度穆斯林正在目睹他们的权利和代表权被剥夺。
今天的印度正站在一个十字路口。它会维护平等、正义和世俗主义的宪法价值吗？还是会进一步滑向多数专制主义，使法律成为压迫的工具，而不是保护的工具？
对于印度穆斯林来说，斗争仍在继续——不仅仅是为了财产或身份，而是为了在这片他们千年来称之为家园的土地上有尊严和公正地生存。
( 注意： 本文是用AI翻译的，或有误差。请以原版英文为准。谢谢。)
Reference Link:- https://southasia.com.pk/2025/04/30/lethal-legislation/