（下边有中文翻译请继续看到底。 谢谢。）
In today’s fast-changing world, where uncertainty and power rivalries are on the rise, some voices are calling for a return to old-style diplomacy—a new version of the 1945 Yalta Conference. 在当今瞬息万变的世界中，不确定性和权力竞争正在上升，一些声音呼吁回归旧式外交，即1945年雅尔塔会议的新版本。
In today’s fast-changing world, where uncertainty and power rivalries are on the rise, some voices are calling for a return to old-style diplomacy—a new version of the 1945 Yalta Conference. This idea, often referred to as “Yalta 2.0,” imagines the world’s major powers—the United States, Russia, and China—coming together to divide up regions, settle territorial disputes, and determine the political fate of smaller countries. At a time when global tensions are high, this approach may seem tempting to some. But for China, the path forward does not lie in revisiting the power politics of the past. It lies in creating a peaceful, inclusive, and multipolar future.
From the outset, it is important to recall that the original Yalta Conference, while historic, was also deeply flawed. While it ended the horrors of World War II and contributed to the formation of the United Nations, it also sidelined the interests of many nations, including China. In exchange for Soviet participation in the final stages of the war against Japan, key Chinese interests in Northeast Asia were compromised without Beijing’s consent. As a country that once suffered from colonialism and great power bargaining, China cannot support any model that seeks to reintroduce a world order based on dividing the globe into spheres of influence.
China’s foreign policy has long been rooted in principles such as respect for sovereignty, peaceful coexistence, non-interference, and mutual benefit. These are not just abstract ideals; they are grounded in China’s own historical experience. China knows what it means to have its territory divided, its dignity trampled, and its voice ignored. That is why Beijing has always stood firm against unilateral changes to territorial status—whether in Kosovo, Georgia, Crimea, or elsewhere. Today, despite growing calls for the West to recognize Crimea as part of Russia, China’s position remains consistent: the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all states, including Ukraine, must be respected.
Supporters of Yalta 2.0 often argue that China could benefit from such a deal. They suggest that a seat at the table with Washington and Moscow would elevate Beijing’s global standing and provide an opportunity to advance core interests such as Taiwan and the South China Sea. But this view misses the point. China’s rise has never been about bargaining away the rights of others. Rather, it has been about building a more connected world where all countries—big or small—have a voice. For China, diplomacy is not a zero-sum game. True leadership lies in lifting others, not containing them.
In fact, returning to exclusive power-sharing arrangements would be deeply harmful to China’s vision for the world. China’s global strategy is based on open connectivity, economic cooperation, and institutional reform. Initiatives such as the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), the Global Development Initiative (GDI), and China’s leadership in the BRICS and Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) all reflect this commitment to inclusiveness and fairness. These platforms are not about dividing the world, but about bringing it closer together. A Yalta-style settlement, by contrast, would create divisions, deepen mistrust, and undermine the very institutions that China has helped to strengthen.
Moreover, the return of ideological conservatism in parts of the West, marked by skepticism of globalization and rising right-wing nationalism, poses an additional risk. While such political movements may find common ground with Russia’s cultural traditionalism or even aspects of Trump’s America First approach, they diverge fundamentally from China’s pragmatic and development-focused policies. China does not seek to impose its model on others. Instead, it supports a world where countries choose their own path of modernization and development.
The current U.S. push to re-engage Russia and draw it away from China—sometimes called a “reverse Nixon” strategy—also reflects a Cold War mindset that China does not share. While trilateral dialogues can help improve global stability, using them to isolate or contain any one country is neither sustainable nor responsible. For China, multipolarity means balance, not blocs. It means cooperation based on mutual interests, not coercion or side-deals made behind closed doors.
Indeed, as the idea of Yalta 2.0 gains traction in some circles, we are already seeing signs of strain in global relationships. China’s trade with Russia has shown early signs of cooling, with car exports and overall bilateral trade declining in early 2025. This is a reminder that trust and interdependence must be nurtured carefully. China is prepared to deepen strategic ties with its partners—but always on the basis of equality and long-term vision.
Equally concerning is the risk that Yalta 2.0 would alienate the Global South. Countries across Africa, Asia, and Latin America have increasingly turned to China not only as a trade partner but as a champion of equitable development and reform of global governance. To now support a return to great-power bargaining would undermine this trust. It would send a signal that the future of smaller states can still be decided without their consent. China must—and will—stand against such a return to outdated thinking.
As we approach the 80th anniversaries of the end of World War II and the founding of the United Nations, we are reminded of the importance of these historic moments. They marked the beginning of a global order based on dialogue, not domination. For all its imperfections, that rules-based order gave the world decades of relative peace and prosperity. It is this legacy that must be preserved—not through nostalgia for 1945, but through renewed commitment to shared responsibility and sovereign equality.
The world today is not the world of Yalta. It is more complex, more interconnected, and more hopeful. Emerging powers want dignity, not dependency. Regional blocs seek cooperation, not confrontation. And the people of the world want peace, not power politics.
For China, the answer is clear. A Yalta 2.0 is not the way forward. What the world needs is not a division of spheres, but a convergence of minds. Not backroom deals, but open partnerships. Not great power privilege, but global progress.
Let us work together, not to rewrite the map, but to build the bridges that will carry all of us toward a more just, peaceful, and inclusive future.
在当今瞬息万变的世界中，不确定性和权力竞争正在上升，一些声音呼吁回归旧式外交，即1945年雅尔塔会议的新版本。这个想法通常被称为“雅尔塔2.0”，它设想世界主要大国——美国、俄罗斯和中国——走到一起，瓜分地区，解决领土争端，并决定小国的政治命运。在全球局势高度紧张之际，这种做法似乎对一些人很有吸引力。但对中国来说，前进的道路不在于重走过去的强权政治。它在于创造一个和平、包容、多极化的未来。
从一开始就必须回顾，最初的雅尔塔会议虽然具有历史意义，但也存在严重缺陷。虽然它结束了第二次世界大战的恐怖，并为联合国的成立做出了贡献，但它也使包括中国在内的许多国家的利益边缘化。作为苏联参与对日战争最后阶段的交换，中国在东北亚的关键利益在未经北京同意的情况下受到损害。作为一个曾经遭受殖民主义和大国讨价还价的国家，中国不能支持任何试图重新引入基于将全球划分为势力范围的世界秩序的模式。
中国的外交政策长期植根于尊重主权、和平共处、互不干涉、互利共赢等原则。这些不仅仅是抽象的理想；它们都是基于中国自身的历史经验。中国知道领土分裂、尊严被践踏、声音被忽视意味着什么。这就是为什么北京一直坚决反对单方面改变领土地位——无论是在科索沃、格鲁吉亚、克里米亚还是其他地方。今天，尽管越来越多的人呼吁西方承认克里米亚是俄罗斯的一部分，但中国的立场始终不变：包括乌克兰在内的所有国家的主权和领土完整都必须得到尊重。
雅尔塔2.0的支持者经常辩称，中国可以从这样的协议中受益。他们认为，与华盛顿和莫斯科在谈判桌上的席位将提升北京的全球地位，并为推进台湾和南中国海等核心利益提供机会。但这种观点没有抓住要点。中国的崛起从来不是以牺牲他国权利为代价的。相反，它一直致力于建立一个联系更加紧密的世界，在这个世界上，所有国家——无论大小——都有发言权。对中国来说，外交不是零和游戏。真正的领导力在于提升他人，而不是遏制他人。
事实上，回到排他性的权力分享安排，将严重损害中国对世界的愿景。中国的全球战略是以开放互联互通、经济合作、体制改革为基础的。“一带一路”倡议、“全球发展倡议”，以及中国在金砖国家和上海合作组织中的领导作用，都体现了中国对包容和公平的承诺。这些平台不是为了分裂世界，而是为了让世界更紧密地联系在一起。相比之下，雅尔塔式的解决方案将制造分歧，加深不信任，并破坏中国帮助加强的机制。
此外，西方部分地区意识形态保守主义的回归，以对全球化的怀疑和右翼民族主义的崛起为标志，构成了额外的风险。虽然这些政治运动可能与俄罗斯的文化传统主义，甚至特朗普的美国优先政策的某些方面找到共同点，但它们与中国的务实和以发展为重点的政策存在根本分歧。中国不寻求将自己的模式强加于人。相反，中国支持各国自主选择现代化和发展道路。
目前美国推动与俄罗斯重新接触并使其远离中国——有时被称为“反尼克松”战略——也反映了中国不认同的冷战思维。虽然三边对话有助于改善全球稳定，但利用三边对话孤立或遏制任何一个国家既不可持续，也不负责。对中国来说，多极化意味着平衡，而不是集团。这意味着基于共同利益的合作，而不是强迫或私下交易。
事实上，随着“雅尔塔2.0”的理念在某些圈子获得支持，我们已经看到了全球关系紧张的迹象。中国与俄罗斯的贸易已显示出降温的初步迹象，2025年初，汽车出口和整体双边贸易将下降。这提醒我们，必须谨慎培育信任和相互依存。中国愿意深化同各伙伴的战略关系，但始终坚持平等相待，着眼长远。
同样令人担忧的是，雅尔塔2.0可能疏远全球南方国家。非洲、亚洲和拉丁美洲各国越来越多地把中国视为贸易伙伴，也视为公平发展和全球治理改革的倡导者。现在支持回归大国谈判将破坏这种信任。这将发出一个信号，即小国的未来仍然可以在未经它们同意的情况下决定。中国必须也将坚决反对这种旧观念的回归。
在第二次世界大战结束和联合国成立80周年即将到来之际，我们想起了这些历史性时刻的重要性。它们标志着建立在对话而非统治基础上的全球秩序的开始。尽管存在种种缺陷，但这种基于规则的秩序给世界带来了数十年的相对和平与繁荣。这一遗产必须得到保护——不是通过怀念1945年，而是通过对共同责任和主权平等的重新承诺。
今天的世界已经不是雅尔塔的世界了。它更复杂，联系更紧密，也更有希望。新兴大国要的是尊严，而不是依赖。地区集团寻求合作，而不是对抗。世界人民要和平，不要强权政治。
对中国来说，答案很清楚。雅尔塔2.0不是前进的方向。世界需要的不是领域的划分，而是思想的融合。不是幕后交易，而是公开合作。不是大国特权，而是全球进步。
让我们共同努力，不是要改写地图，而是要架起桥梁，把我们所有人带到一个更加公正、和平和包容的未来。
( 注意： 本文是用AI翻译的，或有误差。请以原版英文为准。谢谢。)
Reference Link:- https://moderndiplomacy.eu/2025/06/12/chinese-stance-on-yalta-2-0/