{"id":5029,"date":"2024-05-31T14:48:38","date_gmt":"2024-05-31T14:48:38","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/gsrra.com\/?p=5029"},"modified":"2024-05-31T14:48:40","modified_gmt":"2024-05-31T14:48:40","slug":"the-debate-around-european-strategic-autonomy-between-independence-and-protectionism","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/gsrra.com\/?p=5029","title":{"rendered":"The debate around European strategic autonomy: between independence and protectionism"},"content":{"rendered":"\n
The debate around European strategic autonomy: between independence and protectionism<\/td>El debate alrededor de la autonom\u00eda estrat\u00e9gica europea: entre la independencia y el proteccionismo<\/td><\/tr>
  Author: Sandra Ramos Mart\u00ednez<\/em><\/strong>  May 30, 2024<\/em><\/strong> Analysis<\/em><\/strong>   The debate around European strategic autonomy: between independence and protectionism Geopolitical analyst of security, defense and intelligence. Expert in international relations, China and the European Union. Graduated in International Relations from the Francisco de Vitoria University and Master in Geopolitics and Strategic Studies from the Carlos III University of Madrid. Passionate about writing and author of The Soviet Union in the Missile Crisis (2023). He has participated as a speaker in conferences and seminars organized in Shenzhen, Beijing, Dunhuang and has given lectures at the Autonomous University of Madrid and the Francisco de Vitoria University.   European strategic autonomy is not a new concept, but has evolved over the years, from the defense industry to other sectors. However, in the current geopolitical context, marked by tensions, conflicts and with the European elections just around the corner, its importance is more evident than ever. What exactly does it consist of and why is it so relevant today?   What is strategic autonomy? In recent years, a broad debate has been opened on the concept of strategic autonomy, widely defended and criticized for its implications within the defense industry. Although this term is not new and its development dates back to more distant times, it is also true that within the institutions of the European Union it has begun to take on greater relevance given the current hostile international situation in which we find ourselves, marked by instability, uncertainty and, above all, the need to develop a common long-term defense framework.   Knowing what this concept consists of is essential to be able to understand how its applications range from the defense industry to the political sector and technological and commercial development in the European Union (EU).   \u27a1\ufe0f You may be interested in: Should the European Union create its own Army? The debate around the Defense Industrial Strategy in Europe   This is a concept already present in the narrative of European defense that, for decades, has become a desirable objective in the defense capabilities of the European Union and is linked to the needs of an actor to be able to operate autonomously in decision-making, without depending on third parties. In short, it is based on the actor being able to make his own decisions and act independently of other countries in some specific areas, without tending towards protectionism.   Figures such as Josep Borrell, High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, defend this position, arguing that the current situation of hostility, uncertainty and the crisis caused by Covid-19 makes the European Union rethink this capacity in order to face the challenges that lie ahead in the coming years. In addition, his debate focuses on clarifying this concept, avoiding ambiguities and emphasizing that strategic autonomy is not limited exclusively to defense, but must be used in technological advancement, trade and industry, so that the EU is able to act independently, but without falling into protectionism or actions contrary to the values \u200b\u200bof cohesion and competitiveness that characterize the EU.   Since there are different interpretations ranging from the political to the operational and industrial dimension, it is worth highlighting that this concept arose, in its beginnings, in the field of defense, but, by its very nature, it has expanded to other sectors where it also plays a great role, such as the economy and politics. But let’s not get ahead of ourselves. First of all, where does this controversial concept come from and how does it become relevant in the European scenario?   Context of strategic autonomy: from a concept to a capability The European Union, from its beginnings, has always aspired to be able to defend itself collectively from anything that posed a threat to its common interests. For this reason, defensive autonomy has always been very present in the European collective imagination.   However, during the 1950s, these efforts to create a European defence community failed, as the European geopolitical context was reluctant to invest in defence after the consequences of the Second World War. In other words, Europeans were focused on seeking positive peace, based on cooperation and unity, and moving away from any type of war scenario, considered negative.   With the creation of NATO in 1949, many of the founding members of the European Union, who were also members of this organization, considered that collective defence efforts should fall exclusively on NATO. According to the documents of the European Parliament’s Research Service, many countries considered this new defence division as a threat to NATO’s long-term mission. This thinking is still reflected in many analysts and experts, who consider that NATO’s job is to ensure collective European and Atlantic (United States) defence and that the creation of a European defence body is not appropriate.   \u27a1\ufe0f You may be interested in: The 5 best books to understand NATO in Spanish   The urgency of creating a European defence system alternative to NATO was not seen at that time. However, European collective defence was still present in the collective imagination of some European countries, with the Anglo-French Summit in Saint-Malo in 1998 being particularly notable, when the need to adopt joint defence policies between European countries was again mentioned, taking into account that the world was immersed in the post-Cold War period, where the Soviet Union had already disintegrated and a new decade of prosperity marked by the sovereignty of the United States was here to stay.   Even so, it was not until December 2013 when, for the first time in the history of the European Union, the expression \u2018strategic autonomy\u2019 was officially mentioned, apparently following the conclusions of the European Council on the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) of the European Union.   The main European leaders already made it clear that the objective of the CSDP was to provide Europe with the necessary mechanisms to carry out crisis management operations at an external level, since, as mentioned above, the competences of territorial European defence corresponded to NATO.   This document describes the need to establish \u201ca European defence technological and industrial base that can reinforce its strategic autonomy and its capacity to act with partners.\u201d   Although the concept extended to industrial and technological defence, there has been a greater association with the defence industry, as highlighted in the EU Global Strategy document of 2016, and hence its controversy. In this document, the expression is used on four occasions, three of them referring to security and defence. Since then, this concept has begun to be used regularly in conclusions and documents of the European Council, marking the starting point for a concept that, therefore, ceases to be a theoretical concept to become a reality that the European Union increasingly has in mind in its domestic policy.   Indeed, what was previously a mere concept that seemed not to be put into practice, today there are more and more experts and leaders who join the need to convert this expression into a capacity that forms part of our current reality, adapting the concept to each of the areas of interest, such as defensive, technological, energy and commercial strategic autonomy.   Why is strategic autonomy necessary in the current geopolitical situation? In 2016, the term was relevant in Europe, but now it is an urgent political necessity due to the hostile geopolitical situation, especially towards the European Union.   The EU is becoming, over the years, a politically irrelevant power. Despite such a harsh statement, the reality is that the center of global power is moving towards the Asia-Pacific region, where countries such as China or Japan maintain great relevance and, in the case of China, there are numerous interests that mark the destiny of current world geopolitics (see the controversies with the Philippines, the reunification with Taiwan or the disputes for the control of the South China Sea). The center of global power is no longer in the West and some countries such as the United States are already aware of this. The European Union, for its part, must ensure its presence by executing long-term strategies aimed at strengthening its weight as a global power.   However, this growing irrelevance does not mean that countries have “lost respect” for the European Union, since for countries like China, the EU remains a preferred partner in economic terms, despite political-cultural differences. The international community expects the European Union to develop its own capacity for autonomous action without being subject to the decisions of other partners, as is the case of the United States. This does not mean that the European Union should distance itself from its historical ally and its common alliances (NATO), but that it should favor multilateralism with its own approach that benefits common European objectives and prevents it from being displaced as an actor in conflicts within its own borders, as is the case of Nagorno Karabakh, Libya and Syria.   Berlaymont building in Brussels. Source: Sandra Ramos. On the other hand, the Covid-19 pandemic of 2020 left serious consequences on the European population, not only socially but also economically. People have realised how interconnected we are with other countries and the need to start producing and allocating resources to industries that will mark the future, such as technology, artificial intelligence, access to energy and scientific development. It has been observed how this interdependence has caused political tensions, since those countries that have decided to invest in improving their own capabilities, such as Russia with energy or China with education, science and technology, will have a powerful tool that can harm the interests of the European Union by not having configured its own mechanism.   The Russian invasion of Ukraine since 2022 could not go unnoticed either. Since that year there has been alarming concern about a possible escalation of the conflict. Russia’s belligerent attitude and the imperative need to avoid a new large-scale conflict on European soil means that we find ourselves in a moment of great uncertainty. This is a conflict that some analysts already classify as ‘stagnant’ due to its own context and that seems to have no end, although the political-economic consequences continue to affect us.   Since the end of the Cold War in the 20th century, European institutions have placed collective security and defence at the periphery of interests. It seems that conflicts had come to an end and that, therefore, reactivating defence spending was not as relevant as in previous times marked by war conflicts. This feeling of security and comfort has been transmitted from generation to generation until, today, we find ourselves in a geopolitical scenario full of tensions, peripheral (and not so peripheral) conflicts.   Russia and its offensive against Ukraine is a warning that we Europeans had become accustomed to maintaining a different perception of risk than, for example, citizens in places like Syria or currently the Ukrainians have. This perception also applies within the European Union, as geography delimits the sources of concern for states. This means that Italy will not perceive the possible escalation of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict with the same risk as Poland (although this does not mean that this escalation affects everyone in the same way).   The key moment of strategic autonomy: European elections 2024 With the elections to the European Parliament on June 9, numerous issues that affect the future of Europeans are on the table. Among them, the effective implementation of strategic autonomy as a key element.   According to the spokesperson and general director of Communication of the European Parliament, Jaume Duch, this is currently positioned as “the bible of the future of the European Union.”   Parlamentarium in Brussels. Source: Sandra Ramos. This means that, in the face of constant uncertainty and the upcoming presidential elections in the United States, where there is the possibility of a return of Donald Trump and his protectionism, the European Union has a golden opportunity to decide its survival in the future.   To do so, European citizens will have an appointment at the polls on June 9, where, in the case of Spain, they will be able to choose between 33 candidates (according to data from the BOE).   The vote will take place between June 6 and 9. In it, 720 deputies in total will be elected this year and 61 members will be Spanish MEPs.   It should be noted that there are other relevant issues that complement the need to implement strategic autonomy, such as access to energy and materials in a self-sufficient way to avoid depending on countries that endanger European stability, as is currently the case with Russia. On the other hand, the great challenge that the EU faces is the importance of adapting to receive new members, since there is a list of future incorporations that do not fully meet the requested requirements and that, in the case of Ukraine’s accession, can unleash an international security dilemma with Putin’s Russia.     In addition, there is a growing involvement of the young population that continues to demonstrate in favor of this collective European feeling and a concern for the European fight against climate change, which will also mark the destiny of the next legislature.   Advertising for the European elections in Brussels. Source: Sandra Ramos. Even so, everything points to the fact that strategic autonomy aimed at the field of defense, the development of technological and industrial capabilities and the negotiation competition in political-commercial terms will be the key pillar that will mark the future of the European Union.   Crucial approaches for the future of the European Union While the EU should begin to question the need to adopt an autonomous defence strategy with increased spending in order to adequately respond to the adversities that need to be faced, it is also important to adopt measures aimed at making the EU more resilient, powerful and open to multilateralism in the technological sector and in trade cooperation. It is worth mentioning the work that the Spanish Presidency of the Council of the EU carried out during its rotating mandate (July to December 2023) in favour of Open Strategic Autonomy, which was one of the key issues during its mandate and was highlighted during the Informal Meeting of Heads of State or Government of the European Union held in Granada that same year. At it, the need to “act autonomously when and where necessary and collaborate with partners whenever possible” was stressed. In any case, and keeping ambiguities at bay, the long-term work of the European Union will be to strengthen its own industries, its own defence system and to operate in favour of multilateralism with its preferred alliances such as NATO, complementing their work and not acting independently. Even so, the political differences between those in favour and those against this need are still very present at a decisive moment for the future of the European Union with the parliamentary elections in June. It will be at this moment that the direction that citizens have decided to choose for the coming years will be glimpsed.<\/td>Sandra Ramos Mart\u00ednez<\/em><\/strong> 30 de mayo de 2024<\/em><\/strong> An\u00e1lisis<\/em><\/strong> \u00a0\u00a0 El debate alrededor de la autonom\u00eda estrat\u00e9gica europea: entre la independencia y el proteccionismo Analista geopol\u00edtica de seguridad, defensa e inteligencia. Experta en relaciones internacionales, China y la Uni\u00f3n Europea. Graduada en Relaciones Internacionales por la Universidad Francisco de Vitoria y M\u00e1ster en Geopol\u00edtica y Estudios Estrat\u00e9gicos por la Universidad Carlos III de Madrid. Apasionada de la escritura y autora de La Uni\u00f3n Sovi\u00e9tica en la Crisis de los Misiles (2023). Ha participado como ponente en conferencias y seminarios organizados en Shenzhen, Pek\u00edn, Dunhuang y ha impartido ponencias en la Universidad Aut\u00f3noma de Madrid y la Universidad Francisco de Vitoria. \u00a0 La autonom\u00eda estrat\u00e9gica europea no es un concepto nuevo, sino que ha ido evolucionando a lo largo de los a\u00f1os, desde la industria de defensa hasta otros sectores. No obstante, en el contexto geopol\u00edtico actual, marcado por tensiones, conflictos y con las elecciones europeas a la vuelta de la esquina, su importancia se hace m\u00e1s evidente que nunca. \u00bfEn qu\u00e9 consiste exactamente y por qu\u00e9 es tan relevante en la actualidad? \u00a0 \u00bfQu\u00e9 es la autonom\u00eda estrat\u00e9gica? Durante los \u00faltimos a\u00f1os, se ha abierto un amplio debate sobre el concepto de autonom\u00eda estrat\u00e9gica, ampliamente defendido y criticado por sus implicaciones dentro de la industria de la defensa. Si bien este t\u00e9rmino no es nuevo y su desarrollo se remonta a tiempos m\u00e1s lejanos, tambi\u00e9n es cierto que dentro de las instituciones de la Uni\u00f3n Europea ha comenzado a tomar mayor relevancia dada la situaci\u00f3n internacional actual hostil en la que nos encontramos, marcada por la inestabilidad, la incertidumbre y, por encima de todo, la necesidad de desarrollar un marco com\u00fan de defensa a largo plazo. \u00a0 Conocer en qu\u00e9 consiste este concepto es esencial para poder comprender c\u00f3mo sus aplicaciones van desde la industria de la defensa hasta el sector pol\u00edtico y el desarrollo tecnol\u00f3gico y comercial en la Uni\u00f3n Europea (UE). \u00a0 \u27a1\ufe0f Te puede interesar: \u00bfDebe la Uni\u00f3n Europea crear su propio Ej\u00e9rcito? El debate en torno a la Estrategia Industrial de Defensa en Europa \u00a0 Se trata de un concepto ya presente en la narrativa de la defensa europea que, desde hace d\u00e9cadas, se ha convertido en un objetivo deseable en las capacidades de defensa de la Uni\u00f3n Europea y que se vincula a las necesidades de un actor de poder operar de manera aut\u00f3noma en la toma de decisiones, sin depender de terceros actores. En pocas palabras, se basa en que el actor pueda tomar sus propias decisiones y actuar de forma independiente de otros pa\u00edses en algunas \u00e1reas concretas, sin tender al proteccionismo. \u00a0 Figuras como Josep Borrell, alto representante de la Uni\u00f3n para Asuntos Exteriores y Pol\u00edtica de Seguridad defiende esta postura alegando que la situaci\u00f3n actual de hostilidad, incertidumbre y la crisis provocada por la Covid-19 hacen que la Uni\u00f3n Europea se replantee esta capacidad para poder enfrentar los desaf\u00edos que acechan en los pr\u00f3ximos a\u00f1os. Adem\u00e1s, su debate se centra en clarificar este concepto, evitar ambig\u00fcedades y recalcar que la autonom\u00eda estrat\u00e9gica no se limita exclusivamente a la defensa, sino que debe ser empleada en el avance tecnol\u00f3gico, en el comercio y en la industria, para que la UE sea capaz de actuar independientemente, pero sin caer en proteccionismos ni actuaciones contrarias a los valores de cohesi\u00f3n y competitividad que caracterizan a la UE. \u00a0 Al existir diferentes interpretaciones que van desde la dimensi\u00f3n pol\u00edtica hasta la operativa e industrial, cabe resaltar que este concepto surgi\u00f3, en sus inicios, en el \u00e1mbito de defensa, pero, por su propia naturaleza, se ha expandido hacia otros sectores donde tambi\u00e9n juega gran relevancia, como la econom\u00eda y la pol\u00edtica. Pero, no nos adelantemos. En primer lugar \u00bfde d\u00f3nde surge este controversial concepto y c\u00f3mo adquiere relevancia en el escenario europeo? \u00a0 Contexto de la autonom\u00eda estrat\u00e9gica: de un concepto a una capacidad La Uni\u00f3n Europea, desde sus inicios, siempre ha aspirado a poder defenderse colectivamente de todo aquello que supusiera una amenaza para sus intereses comunes. Por ello, la autonom\u00eda defensiva siempre ha estado muy presente en el imaginario colectivo europeo. \u00a0 Sin embargo, durante la d\u00e9cada de 1950 estos esfuerzos para lograr crear una comunidad europea de defensa fracasaron, pues el contexto geopol\u00edtico europeo se mostraba reacio a invertir en defensa tras las consecuencias de la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Es decir, los europeos estaban centrados en buscar la paz positiva, basada en la cooperaci\u00f3n y la uni\u00f3n, y alejarse de cualquier tipo de escenario b\u00e9lico, considerado negativo. \u00a0 Con la creaci\u00f3n de la OTAN en el a\u00f1o 1949, muchos de los miembros fundadores de la Uni\u00f3n Europea, que tambi\u00e9n eran miembros de esta organizaci\u00f3n, consideraban que los esfuerzos de defensa colectiva deb\u00edan recaer exclusivamente en la OTAN. Seg\u00fan se especifican en los propios documentos del Servicio de Estudios del Parlamento Europeo, muchos pa\u00edses consideraban esta nueva divisi\u00f3n de defensa como una amenaza a la misi\u00f3n a largo plazo de la propia OTAN. Este pensamiento todav\u00eda se ve reflejado en muchos analistas y expertos, que consideran que la labor de la OTAN es asegurar la defensa colectiva europea y atl\u00e1ntica (Estados Unidos) y que no procede la creaci\u00f3n de un organismo de defensa propio europeo. \u00a0 \u27a1\ufe0f Te puede interesar: Los 5 mejores libros para entender la OTAN en espa\u00f1ol \u00a0 La urgencia de crear un sistema de defensa europeo alternativo a la OTAN no se vislumbraba en aquel entonces. Sin embargo, la defensa colectiva europea segu\u00eda presente en el imaginario colectivo de algunos pa\u00edses europeos, destacando la Cumbre anglo-francesa en Saint-Malo celebrada en 1998, cuando se volvi\u00f3 a mencionar la necesidad de adoptar pol\u00edticas conjuntas de defensa entre los pa\u00edses europeos, teniendo en cuenta que el mundo se encontraba inmerso en el per\u00edodo post-Guerra Fr\u00eda, donde la Uni\u00f3n Sovi\u00e9tica ya se hab\u00eda desintegrado y una nueva d\u00e9cada de prosperidad marcada por la soberan\u00eda de los Estados Unidos ven\u00eda para quedarse. \u00a0 Aun as\u00ed, no ser\u00eda hasta diciembre del a\u00f1o 2013 cuando, por primera vez en la historia de la Uni\u00f3n Europea, se menciona de manera oficial la expresi\u00f3n \u2018autonom\u00eda estrat\u00e9gica\u2019, al parecer, tras las conclusiones del Consejo Europeo sobre la Pol\u00edtica Com\u00fan de Seguridad y Defensa (PCSD) de la Uni\u00f3n Europea. \u00a0 Los principales l\u00edderes europeos ya dejaron claro que el objetivo del PCSD era dotar a Europa de aquellos mecanismos necesarios para ejecutar operaciones de gesti\u00f3n de crisis a nivel externo, puesto que, como se ha mencionado anteriormente, las competencias de defensa europea territorial correspond\u00edan a la OTAN. \u00a0 Este documento describe la necesidad de establecer\u00a0 \u00abuna base tecnol\u00f3gica e industrial de defensa europea que pueda reforzar su autonom\u00eda estrat\u00e9gica y su capacidad de actuar con socios\u00bb. \u00a0 Aunque el concepto se extend\u00eda a la defensa industrial y tecnol\u00f3gica, ha existido mayor asociaci\u00f3n a la industria de la defensa, como se destaca en el documento de EU Global Strategy de 2016, y de ah\u00ed su controversia. En este documento, la expresi\u00f3n se utiliza en cuatro ocasiones, tres de ellas haciendo referencia a la seguridad y defensa. Es desde entonces que este concepto se ha comenzado a utilizar de manera regular en conclusiones y documentos del Consejo Europeo, marcando el punto de partida a un concepto que, por ende, deja de ser un concepto te\u00f3rico para pasar a ser una realidad que la Uni\u00f3n Europea cada vez tiene m\u00e1s presente en su pol\u00edtica dom\u00e9stica. \u00a0 En efecto, lo que anteriormente era un mero concepto que parec\u00eda no llevarse a la pr\u00e1ctica, en la actualidad cada vez son m\u00e1s expertos y l\u00edderes que se suman a la necesidad de convertir esta expresi\u00f3n en una capacidad que forme parte de nuestra realidad actual, adaptando el concepto a cada uno de los \u00e1mbitos de inter\u00e9s, como la autonom\u00eda estrat\u00e9gica defensiva, tecnol\u00f3gica, energ\u00e9tica y comercial. \u00a0 \u00bfPor qu\u00e9 es necesaria la autonom\u00eda estrat\u00e9gica en la situaci\u00f3n geopol\u00edtica actual? En 2016, el t\u00e9rmino era relevante en Europa, pero ahora es una necesidad pol\u00edtica urgente debido a la situaci\u00f3n geopol\u00edtica hostil, especialmente hacia la Uni\u00f3n Europea. \u00a0 La UE se est\u00e1 convirtiendo, con el paso de los a\u00f1os, en una potencia pol\u00edticamente irrelevante. A pesar de tan dura afirmaci\u00f3n, la realidad es que el centro de poder global se est\u00e1 trasladando hacia la regi\u00f3n de Asia-Pac\u00edfico, donde pa\u00edses como China o Jap\u00f3n mantienen gran relevancia y, en el caso de China, existen numerosos intereses que marcan el destino la geopol\u00edtica mundial actual (v\u00e9ase las controversias con Filipinas, la reunificaci\u00f3n con Taiw\u00e1n o las disputas por el control del Mar del Sur de China). El centro de poder global ya no est\u00e1 en Occidente y de ello ya son conscientes algunos pa\u00edses como Estados Unidos. La Uni\u00f3n Europea, por su parte, debe asegurarse su presencia ejecutando estrategias a largo plazo destinadas a fortalecer su peso como potencia global. \u00a0 Sin embargo, esta creciente irrelevancia no quiere decir que los pa\u00edses hayan\u00a0 \u00abperdido el respeto\u00bb a la Uni\u00f3n Europea, pues para pa\u00edses como China, la UE sigue siendo un socio preferente en t\u00e9rminos econ\u00f3micos, a pesar de las diferencias pol\u00edtico-culturales. Desde la comunidad internacional se espera que la Uni\u00f3n Europea desarrolle su propia capacidad de actuaci\u00f3n aut\u00f3noma sin estar sujeta a las decisiones de otros socios, como es el caso de Estados Unidos. Esto no quiere decir que la Uni\u00f3n Europea deba tomar distancia de su aliado hist\u00f3rico y sus alianzas en com\u00fan (OTAN), sino que debe favorecer el multilateralismo con un enfoque propio que beneficie los objetivos comunes europeos y evite que se le desplace como actor en conflictos dentro de las propias fronteras, como es el caso de Nagorno Karabaj, Libia y Siria. \u00a0 \u00a0 Edificio Berlaymont en Bruselas. Fuente: Sandra Ramos. Por otra parte, la pandemia de Covid-19 del a\u00f1o 2020 dej\u00f3 graves secuelas en la poblaci\u00f3n europea, no solo a nivel social sino econ\u00f3mico. Las personas se dieron cuenta de lo interconectados que estamos con otros pa\u00edses y la necesidad de comenzar a producir y destinar recursos a industrias que marcar\u00e1n el futuro, como la tecnolog\u00eda, la inteligencia artificial, el acceso a las energ\u00edas y el desarrollo cient\u00edfico. Se ha observado c\u00f3mo esta interdependencia ha causado tensiones pol\u00edticas, pues aquellos pa\u00edses que hayan decidido invertir en mejorar sus propias capacidades, como es el caso de Rusia con las energ\u00edas o China con la educaci\u00f3n, la ciencia y la tecnolog\u00eda, tendr\u00e1n una poderosa herramienta que puede perjudicar a los intereses de la Uni\u00f3n Europea al no haber configurado por s\u00ed misma su propio mecanismo. \u00a0 La invasi\u00f3n rusa en Ucrania desde el a\u00f1o 2022 tampoco pod\u00eda pasar desapercibida. Desde aquel a\u00f1o existe una alarmante preocupaci\u00f3n por una posible escalada del conflicto. La actitud beligerante rusa y la imperativa necesidad de evitar un nuevo conflicto a gran escala en suelo europeo hace que nos encontremos en un momento de gran incertidumbre. Se trata de un conflicto al que algunos analistas ya catalogan como \u2018estancado\u2019 por su propio contexto y que parece no tener fin, aunque las consecuencias pol\u00edtico-econ\u00f3micas contin\u00faan afect\u00e1ndonos. \u00a0 Desde el fin de la Guerra Fr\u00eda en el siglo XX, las instituciones europeas han posicionado la seguridad y defensa colectiva en la periferia de los intereses. Parece que los conflictos hab\u00edan llegado a su fin y que, por ende, reactivar el gasto en defensa no era tan relevante como en \u00e9pocas anteriores marcadas por los conflictos b\u00e9licos. Esta sensaci\u00f3n de seguridad y comodidad se ha transmitido generaci\u00f3n tras generaci\u00f3n hasta que, en la actualidad, nos encontramos en un escenario geopol\u00edtico cargado de tensiones, conflictos perif\u00e9ricos (y no tan perif\u00e9ricos). \u00a0 Rusia y su ofensiva contra Ucrania es el aviso de que los europeos nos hab\u00edamos acomodado a mantener una percepci\u00f3n diferente del riesgo de la que, por ejemplo, los ciudadanos mantienen en lugares como Siria o actualmente los ucranianos. Esta percepci\u00f3n tambi\u00e9n se aplica dentro de la Uni\u00f3n Europea, pues la geograf\u00eda delimita las fuentes de preocupaci\u00f3n de los estados. Esto quiere decir que Italia no va a percibir con tal riesgo la posible escalada del conflicto ruso-ucraniano que Polonia, (aunque esto no significa que esa escalada afecte a todos de igual manera). \u00a0 El momento clave de la autonom\u00eda estrat\u00e9gica: elecciones europeas 2024 Con las elecciones al Parlamento Europeo el 9 de junio, numerosas cuestiones que afectan al futuro de los europeos se ponen sobre la mesa. Entre ellas, la implementaci\u00f3n efectiva de la autonom\u00eda estrat\u00e9gica como elemento clave. \u00a0 Seg\u00fan el portavoz y director general de Comunicaci\u00f3n de la Euroc\u00e1mara, Jaume Duch, esta, en la actualidad, se sit\u00faa como \u00abla biblia de futuro de la Uni\u00f3n Europea\u00bb. \u00a0 \u00a0 Parlamentarium en Bruselas. Fuente: Sandra Ramos. Esto significa que, ante la incertidumbre constante y las pr\u00f3ximas elecciones presidenciales de los Estados Unidos, donde existe la posibilidad de un retorno de Donald Trump y su proteccionismo, la Uni\u00f3n Europea tiene una oportunidad de oro para decidir su supervivencia de cara al futuro. \u00a0 Para ello, los ciudadanos europeos tendr\u00e1n cita en las urnas este 9 de junio, donde, en el caso de Espa\u00f1a, podr\u00e1n elegir entre 33 candidaturas (seg\u00fan datos del BOE). \u00a0 La votaci\u00f3n se realizar\u00e1 entre el 6 y 9 de junio. En ella, se elegir\u00e1n este a\u00f1o 720 diputados en total y 61 miembros ser\u00e1n eurodiputados espa\u00f1oles. \u00a0 Cabe destacar que existen otras cuestiones de relevancia que complementan la necesidad de implementar una autonom\u00eda estrat\u00e9gica, como el acceso a las energ\u00edas y materiales de forma autosuficiente para evitar depender de pa\u00edses que ponen en peligro la estabilidad europea, como lo es Rusia actualmente. Por otra parte, el gran reto que la UE enfrenta con la importancia de adaptarse para recibir a nuevos miembros, pues existe una lista de futuras incorporaciones que no re\u00fanen al completo los requisitos solicitados y que, en el caso de la adhesi\u00f3n de Ucrania, pueden desatar un dilema de seguridad internacional con la Rusia de Putin. \u00a0 \u00a0 Adem\u00e1s, existe una creciente involucraci\u00f3n de la poblaci\u00f3n joven que contin\u00faa manifest\u00e1ndose a favor de ese sentimiento europeo colectivo y una preocupaci\u00f3n por la lucha europea contra el cambio clim\u00e1tico, que tambi\u00e9n marcar\u00e1 el destino de la pr\u00f3xima legislatura. \u00a0 \u00a0 Publicidad de las elecciones europeas en Bruselas. Fuente: Sandra Ramos. Aun as\u00ed, todo apunta a que la autonom\u00eda estrat\u00e9gica dirigida al \u00e1mbito de la defensa, al desarrollo de capacidades tecnol\u00f3gicas e industriales y a la competencia de negociaci\u00f3n en t\u00e9rminos pol\u00edtico-comerciales ser\u00e1 el pilar clave que marcar\u00e1 el devenir de la Uni\u00f3n Europea. \u00a0 Enfoques cruciales para el futuro de la Uni\u00f3n Europea Si bien la UE deber\u00eda comenzar a cuestionarse la necesidad de adoptar una estrategia de defensa aut\u00f3noma con un aumento del gasto para poder responder de manera adecuada a las adversidades que se necesiten enfrentar, tambi\u00e9n es importante adoptar medidas enfocadas a hacer de la UE una m\u00e1s resiliente, potente y abierta al multilateralismo en el sector tecnol\u00f3gico y en la cooperaci\u00f3n comercial. Cabe mencionar el trabajo que la Presidencia Espa\u00f1ola del Consejo de la UE realiz\u00f3 durante su mandato rotatorio (julio a diciembre de 2023) en favor de la Autonom\u00eda Estrat\u00e9gica Abierta, que fue uno de los temas clave durante su mandato y resaltaron durante la Reuni\u00f3n Informal de jefes de Estado o de Gobierno de la Uni\u00f3n Europea que se celebr\u00f3 en Granada ese mismo a\u00f1o. En ella, se recalc\u00f3 la necesidad de \u00abactuar de forma aut\u00f3noma cuando y donde sea necesario y colaborar con socios siempre que sea posible\u00bb. \u00a0 En cualquier caso y manteniendo alejadas las ambig\u00fcedades, el trabajo a largo plazo de la Uni\u00f3n Europea ser\u00e1 reforzar sus propias industrias, su propio sistema de defensa y operar en favor del multilateralismo con sus alianzas preferentes como la OTAN, complementando su labor y no actuando de manera independiente. Aun as\u00ed, las diferencias pol\u00edticas entre los favorables y contrarios a esta necesidad todav\u00eda se encuentran muy presentes en un momento decisivo para el futuro de la Uni\u00f3n Europea con las elecciones parlamentarias de junio. Ser\u00e1, en este momento, donde se vislumbre el rumbo que los ciudadanos han decidido escoger para los pr\u00f3ximos a\u00f1os. \u00a0<\/td><\/tr><\/tbody><\/table><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Note: The Translation is made by Machine, it may carry some mistakes, please refer to the original text in Spanish.<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Note:- The Author is a well-known writer in Spain and equally recognized in China. It is not necessary that the publisher also agree with the author’s point of view. But respect the freedom of expression. The publisher is not responsible for any legal consequences. <\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Reference Link:-<\/strong> https:\/\/www.lisanews.org\/especial_elecciones_ue\/el-debate-alrededor-autonomia-estrategica-europea\/<\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

The debate around European strategic autonomy: between independence and protectionism El debate alrededor de la autonom\u00eda estrat\u00e9gica europea: entre la independencia y el proteccionismo   Author: Sandra Ramos Mart\u00ednez  May 30, 2024 Analysis   The debate around European strategic autonomy: between independence and protectionism Geopolitical analyst of security, defense and intelligence. Expert in international relations, […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":5030,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":"","jetpack_publicize_message":"","jetpack_publicize_feature_enabled":true,"jetpack_social_post_already_shared":false,"jetpack_social_options":{"image_generator_settings":{"template":"highway","default_image_id":0,"font":"","enabled":false},"version":2}},"categories":[2],"tags":[29,575,64,105,139,484,1513],"class_list":["post-5029","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-sample-category","tag-china","tag-eu","tag-europe","tag-geopolitics-2","tag-global-peace","tag-russia-2","tag-spain"],"jetpack_publicize_connections":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/gsrra.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5029","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/gsrra.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/gsrra.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/gsrra.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/gsrra.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=5029"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/gsrra.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5029\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":5031,"href":"https:\/\/gsrra.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5029\/revisions\/5031"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/gsrra.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/media\/5030"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/gsrra.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=5029"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/gsrra.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=5029"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/gsrra.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=5029"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}