{"id":32919,"date":"2026-06-02T17:35:25","date_gmt":"2026-06-02T17:35:25","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/gsrra.com\/?p=32919"},"modified":"2026-06-02T17:35:28","modified_gmt":"2026-06-02T17:35:28","slug":"hurdles-to-an-iran-america-peace-deal-%e9%98%bb%e7%a2%8d%e8%be%be%e6%88%90%e4%bc%8a%e6%9c%97%e4%b8%8e%e7%be%8e%e5%9b%bd%e5%92%8c%e5%b9%b3%e5%8d%8f%e8%ae%ae%e7%9a%84%e5%9b%a0%e7%b4%a0%e3%80%82","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/gsrra.com\/?p=32919","title":{"rendered":"Hurdles to an Iran-America Peace Deal. \u963b\u788d\u8fbe\u6210\u4f0a\u6717\u4e0e\u7f8e\u56fd\u548c\u5e73\u534f\u8bae\u7684\u56e0\u7d20\u3002"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

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The search for an Iran-America peace deal has reached a critical but complicated stage. On the surface, both Washington and Tehran understand that the continuation of war serves no one. The United States needs a politically acceptable exit. Iran needs relief from military, economic, and diplomatic pressure. Gulf countries need open sea lanes and stable energy markets. Pakistan, China, Oman, Qatar, and other responsible actors want de-escalation. Yet, despite these converging interests, peace remains difficult because the obstacles are not only military or diplomatic; they are also political, ideological, regional, and psychological.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The most immediate hurdle is the gap between stated objectives and ground realities. If measured against its maximum goals, the United States has not achieved a decisive result. Iran has not surrendered its sovereignty, its nuclear position has not been settled on American terms, and the Strait of Hormuz has not returned to normal commercial activity. Washington, therefore, needs a formula that can be presented at home as success. President Donald Trump appears to seek a safe political exit, one that allows him to declare victory, reassure voters, calm markets, and reduce pressure before the approaching mid-term election cycle. Such a face-saving exit is not unusual in diplomacy. Many wars end not when one side achieves all objectives, but when each side finds language that protects its dignity.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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However, the American position itself remains inconsistent. At one moment, Washington signals interest in a ceasefire and negotiated settlement. At another, it keeps military options open and insists on tougher terms. This mixed messaging weakens confidence in diplomacy. Tehran is unlikely to accept a deal if it fears that Washington may later reinterpret, delay, or abandon its commitments. The bitter memory of the earlier U.S. withdrawal from the Iran nuclear agreement still shapes Iranian thinking. For Iran, the issue is not only about the current war; it is about whether any American guarantee can be trusted.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A second major obstacle is the Israeli factor. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu\u2019s government remains one of the most difficult variables in the peace equation. Israel views Iran as an existential threat and is unlikely to accept any agreement that leaves Tehran with strategic space, regional influence, or nuclear capability. But the problem goes beyond security concerns. Netanyahu\u2019s domestic political survival is deeply tied to war politics. He faces legal challenges, coalition pressure from far-right partners, and the constant risk of political accountability. In such circumstances, prolonged conflict gives him political room, delays domestic reckoning, and keeps Israeli society mobilized around security fears.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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The third hurdle is the attempt to link an Iran-America peace deal with the Abraham Accords. This has complicated the process unnecessarily. The Abraham Accords were designed to normalize relations between Israel and selected Arab and Muslim countries. The UAE and Bahrain signed the accords, while Morocco and Sudan also moved toward normalization in different forms. Kuwait, however, did not join them and remains politically distant from normalization with Israel.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The problem today is that the regional environment has changed dramatically since the first Abraham Accords were signed. After the destruction in Gaza, the expansion of settlements in the West Bank, repeated tensions in Jerusalem, Israeli operations in Lebanon, and continued occupation of Arab lands, the idea of expanding normalization has become politically toxic in much of the Muslim world. Even in countries that already have formalized relations with Israel, public opinion has become more uncomfortable. Governments may remain cautious in their language, but societies are far more vocal. Any peace arrangement that appears to reward Israel while ignoring Palestinian rights will face rejection from the Arab street.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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For most Arab and Muslim countries, the central precondition for lasting regional peace remains the creation of a sovereign and independent Palestinian state, generally understood based on 1948 borders (recognized Israel by the UN), with Jerusalem as its capital. There is also a strong demand for ending the occupation, halting settlement expansion, restoring Arab lands, including the occupied Syrian Golan Heights, and ensuring withdrawal from Lebanese territory. These demands are not emotional slogans alone; they are linked to decades of United Nations resolutions, international law, and the Arab Peace Initiative.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Therefore, trying to attach the Abraham Accords to the Iran-America peace process may be a strategic mistake. Iran\u2019s war and the Palestine question are connected in regional psychology, but they cannot be solved by forcing reluctant states to normalize with Israel. If anything, such pressure may harden positions, weaken mediators and turn a difficult Iran deal into a broader regional stalemate.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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The fourth hurdle is Gaza. No peace architecture in the Middle East can ignore the humanitarian catastrophe in Gaza. The Israeli assault on Gaza has changed public opinion across the region and globally as well. For millions of people, the issue is no longer only about diplomacy or state interests; it is about justice, human dignity, and the future of the Palestinian people. Any regional settlement that bypasses Gaza will be seen as morally incomplete and politically unsustainable. The same applies to the West Bank, where annexationist policies, settlement expansion and restrictions on Palestinian life have made the two-state solution increasingly fragile.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This is where Israel\u2019s negative approach has created long-term damage. Instead of building confidence with the Arab and Muslim world, Israeli policies have deepened mistrust. Gaza has been devastated. The West Bank faces increasing pressure. Jerusalem remains tense. Lebanon continues to face insecurity. The Golan Heights remain occupied. These realities make normalization harder, not easier. They also strengthen the argument of those who say that Israel wants regional acceptance without ending the occupation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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The fifth hurdle is the Strait of Hormuz. The current crisis has shown how vulnerable the global economy remains to Middle Eastern instability. Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, the UAE, Saudi Arabia and other regional economies depend heavily on energy exports and maritime routes. Kuwait and Bahrain are especially exposed because their economic stability is closely tied to hydrocarbon exports and access to safe shipping routes. Qatar is relatively better placed due to its gas position and diplomatic flexibility, while Saudi Arabia can partially rely on Red Sea outlets. Yet no Gulf country can remain comfortable while Hormuz is unstable.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This is why regional states are deeply interested in ending the war. They may differ in their relations with Iran, the United States and Israel, but all understand the cost of prolonged disruption. Higher insurance rates, delayed tankers, reduced exports, inflationary pressure and investor uncertainty affect everyone. A peace deal that reopens maritime routes and provides security guarantees would serve the entire region. But the question remains: who will guarantee the Strait, and under what terms? Iran will not accept arrangements that undermine its sovereignty. The United States will not accept an arrangement it sees as Iranian control over the Strait. Gulf states will demand predictability. This technical issue is also a strategic issue.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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The sixth hurdle is the sanctions question. Iran will not sign a serious agreement unless sanctions relief is credible, measurable and durable. It will want access to frozen assets, permission to sell oil, banking channels and guarantees against new restrictions. Washington, however, will hesitate to grant major relief without nuclear concessions, limits on missiles, and assurances regarding Iran\u2019s regional posture. This creates a familiar deadlock: Iran wants relief first because it has suffered under sanctions; the United States wants concessions first because it distrusts Iran\u2019s intentions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The seventh hurdle is regional alignment. Iran is not isolated from the region\u2019s conflicts. It enjoys comfortable relations with most of the regional countries, and especially China and Russia.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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The eighth hurdle is domestic politics in all key capitals. In Washington, Trump must show strength to his political base and cannot appear soft on Iran. In Tehran, no leadership can be seen surrendering to American pressure after the war. In Tel Aviv, Netanyahu depends on hardline forces that oppose compromise. In Arab capitals, rulers must balance strategic ties with Washington against public anger over Gaza and Palestine. In Europe, governments fear both Iranian escalation and public backlash over support for Israel. These domestic pressures make diplomacy fragile.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Despite these hurdles, peace is still possible. The path forward requires realism. First, the Iran-America track should be separated from the forced expansion of the Abraham Accords. Normalization with Israel cannot be imposed while Palestine remains unresolved. Second, any ceasefire must include credible mechanisms for reopening the Strait of Hormuz and protecting commercial shipping. Third, Iran must receive phased sanctions relief in return for verifiable commitments. Fourth, Israel must be restrained from actions that sabotage diplomacy. Fifth, Gaza and Palestine must be placed back at the center of any regional peace framework.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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Pakistan\u2019s role in this environment is important and constructive. Pakistan has good relations with Iran, deep ties with the Gulf, strategic understanding with China, and excellent communication channels with the United States. Islamabad has consistently called for restraint, de-escalation and diplomacy. Pakistan\u2019s position is rooted in the belief that another prolonged war would endanger regional peace, disrupt global energy flows and deepen humanitarian suffering. This is a responsible and balanced position.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

China\u2019s role is also significant. Beijing has emphasized ceasefire, dialogue, respect for sovereignty, open sea lanes and a stronger United Nations-centered international order. China and Pakistan\u2019s joint approach toward peace in the Gulf and Middle East reflects a wider demand from the Global South: conflicts should be settled through diplomacy, not coercion; sovereignty should be respected; and regional states should not be forced into bloc politics.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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The core truth is simple: the Middle East cannot be stabilized through selective justice. Iran-US peace cannot succeed if it is used to ignore Palestine. Israel cannot gain lasting acceptance while occupation, settlement expansion, and military escalation continue. The United States cannot claim victory if the region remains unstable. Iran cannot secure its future through confrontation alone. Gulf states cannot prosper if their sea lanes remain hostage to war. Everyone needs peace, but peace requires political courage.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The greatest hurdle to an Iran-America peace deal is not the absence of diplomatic formulas. It is the unwillingness of some actors to accept that real peace requires compromise, justice, and restraint. A deal built only for headlines will collapse. A deal built on dignity, sovereignty, Palestinian rights, maritime security, and regional inclusion may survive.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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The choice before the region is clear. Either leaders continue to use war as a tool of domestic politics and strategic pressure, or they accept that the future of the Middle East must be negotiated, not bombed into shape. The world has already paid too high a price for confrontation. It is time for diplomacy to prevail.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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(\u6ce8\u610f\uff1a \u672c\u6587\u662f\u7528AI\u7ffb\u8bd1\u7684\uff0c\u6216\u6709\u8bef\u5dee\u3002\u8bf7\u4ee5\u539f\u7248\u82f1\u6587\u4e3a\u51c6\u3002\u8c22\u8c22\u3002)<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Reference Link:- https:\/\/strafasia.com\/hurdles-to-an-iran-america-peace-deal-1780128365879<\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

(\u4e0b\u8fb9\u6709\u4e2d\u6587\u7ffb\u8bd1\uff0c\u8bf7\u7ee7\u7eed\u770b\u5230\u5e95\u3002 \u8c22\u8c22\u3002\uff09 The search for an Iran-America peace deal has reached a critical but complicated stage. On the surface, both Washington and Tehran understand that the continuation of war serves no one. The United States needs a politically acceptable exit. Iran needs relief from military, economic, and diplomatic pressure. Gulf countries need open sea lanes […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":32920,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"aside","meta":{"footnotes":"","jetpack_publicize_message":"","jetpack_publicize_feature_enabled":true,"jetpack_social_post_already_shared":true,"jetpack_social_options":{"image_generator_settings":{"template":"highway","default_image_id":0,"font":"","enabled":false},"version":2}},"categories":[2],"tags":[512,27751,29918,28304,29916,1990,28601,28283,29921,29920,29919,27477],"class_list":["post-32919","post","type-post","status-publish","format-aside","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-sample-category","tag-america-2","tag-disruption-of-oil-supply","tag-elements-of-resistance","tag-ending-war","tag-imposed-war-on-iran","tag-iran-2","tag-islamabad-talks","tag-israeli-american-war-on-iran-2","tag-pakistan-facilitator-for-peace-negociation","tag-pakistan-peace-broker","tag-peace-spoilers","tag-strait-of-hormuz","post_format-post-format-aside"],"jetpack_publicize_connections":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/gsrra.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/32919","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/gsrra.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/gsrra.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/gsrra.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/gsrra.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=32919"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/gsrra.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/32919\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":32932,"href":"https:\/\/gsrra.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/32919\/revisions\/32932"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/gsrra.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/media\/32920"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/gsrra.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=32919"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/gsrra.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=32919"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/gsrra.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=32919"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}