{"id":32846,"date":"2026-06-01T11:24:36","date_gmt":"2026-06-01T11:24:36","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/gsrra.com\/?p=32846"},"modified":"2026-06-01T11:24:39","modified_gmt":"2026-06-01T11:24:39","slug":"israels-crisis-of-legitimacy-and-the-collapse-of-the-normalisation-narrative-%e4%bb%a5%e8%89%b2%e5%88%97%e7%9a%84%e5%90%88%e6%b3%95%e6%80%a7%e5%8d%b1%e6%9c%ba%e4%b8%8e%e6%ad%a3","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/gsrra.com\/?p=32846","title":{"rendered":"Israel\u2019s Crisis of Legitimacy and the Collapse of the Normalisation Narrative. \u4ee5\u8272\u5217\u7684\u5408\u6cd5\u6027\u5371\u673a\u4e0e\u201c\u6b63\u5e38\u5316\u201d\u53d9\u4e8b\u7684\u5d29\u584c\u3002"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

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For decades, Israel presented itself to the world as a small victim state, born out of historical tragedy and surrounded by hostility. That image once carried emotional weight, especially in Europe and North America, where the memory of the Holocaust shaped public sympathy. But in recent years, and especially after the devastation in Gaza, the expansion of settlements in the West Bank, repeated violations in Jerusalem, attacks in Lebanon, and the continued occupation of Arab lands, that old perception has changed dramatically. Israel is no longer seen by many people as only a victim of history; it is increasingly viewed as a state exercising overwhelming military power against an occupied and dispossessed people.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This change in global perception did not happen suddenly. It is the result of decades of occupation, ignored United Nations resolutions, settlement expansion, military campaigns, and a continuous refusal to accept a just settlement for Palestine. The events of the last few years have only exposed more clearly what many in the Global South, the Muslim world, and human rights circles had been saying for a long time: the central cause of instability in the Middle East is not the Palestinian demand for freedom, but Israel\u2019s refusal to end occupation and accept equal rights and sovereignty for Palestinians.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The United Nations never gave Israel a blank cheque to expand without limit. The 1947 UN Partition Plan, General Assembly Resolution 181, proposed two states, one Arab and one Jewish, with Jerusalem placed under international administration. Israel was later admitted to the United Nations in 1949 through General Assembly Resolution 273. But from the beginning, the Palestinian question remained unresolved. General Assembly Resolution 194 affirmed that Palestinian refugees wishing to return to their homes and live at peace with their neighbours should be permitted to do so, and that compensation should be paid to those choosing not to return. This principle has never been implemented.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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After the 1967 war, Israel occupied the West Bank, East Jerusalem, Gaza, the Syrian Golan Heights, and Egypt\u2019s Sinai Peninsula. The Sinai was later returned to Egypt under a peace treaty, but the Palestinian and Syrian territories remain central to the conflict. UN Security Council Resolution 242 called for the withdrawal of Israeli armed forces from territories occupied in the 1967 conflict and affirmed the inadmissibility of acquiring territory by war. Resolution 338, later called for the implementation of Resolution 242 and negotiations toward a just and durable peace. Yet, more than half a century later, occupation continues.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Israel\u2019s annexationist policies have also been repeatedly rejected by the international community. Security Council Resolution 478 declared Israel\u2019s \u201cBasic Law\u201d on Jerusalem null and void and called upon states not to recognize the change in the city\u2019s status. Security Council Resolution 497 declared Israel\u2019s annexation of the occupied Syrian Golan Heights null and void and without international legal effect. Security Council Resolution 2334 reaffirmed that Israeli settlements in the Palestinian territory occupied since 1967, including East Jerusalem, have no legal validity and constitute a flagrant violation under international law. These resolutions are not emotional statements; they are part of the international legal record.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Despite this record, Israeli policy has moved in the opposite direction. Instead of ending the occupation, it has deepened it. Instead of stopping settlements, it has expanded them. Instead of preserving the possibility of a viable Palestinian state, it has fragmented Palestinian land through walls, checkpoints, roads, military zones, outposts, home demolitions, and settlement blocs. The result is a daily reality in which Palestinians live under military control, restricted movement, unequal access to land and resources, and repeated displacement.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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Gaza has become the most painful symbol of this injustice. The destruction there has shocked the conscience of the world. Civilian deaths, mass displacement, the collapse of health services, hunger, the killing of aid workers and journalists, and restrictions on humanitarian access have turned Gaza into a moral test for the international community. The International Court of Justice has ordered Israel to take measures to prevent acts under the Genocide Convention, allow humanitarian assistance, and halt actions that worsen the humanitarian catastrophe. The International Criminal Court has also issued arrest warrants against Israeli leaders on allegations of war crimes and crimes against humanity. Israel rejects these proceedings, but the legal and moral questions cannot be dismissed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The West Bank is another front in the same crisis. Settlement expansion, settler violence, land confiscation, and threats of annexation are destroying the possibility of a negotiated two-state solution. Recent sanctions by European states and institutions against extremist settlers show that even Israel\u2019s traditional partners are beginning to recognize the danger. The issue is no longer confined to Arab or Muslim criticism. It has entered mainstream European debate, American campuses, civil society networks, churches, universities, and human rights institutions. Public opinion is changing because people can now see the reality directly.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Lebanon and Syria further demonstrate that the conflict is not limited to Palestine alone. Israel\u2019s military actions in Lebanon and continued occupation of the Golan Heights keep the region under constant pressure. UN Security Council Resolution 1701 called for a full cessation of hostilities in Lebanon and for Israel to withdraw its forces from southern Lebanon as Lebanese forces and UNIFIL deployed. Yet repeated violations and renewed military escalation keep Lebanon unstable. The Golan Heights remain Syrian territory under international law, despite Israel\u2019s attempt to annex them.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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This is why the Abraham Accords cannot be treated as a substitute for justice. Normalisation without Palestinian rights does not solve the Middle East crisis; it bypasses it. It may produce ceremonies, trade agreements and diplomatic photographs, but it does not resolve occupation, refugees, Jerusalem, settlements, Gaza, the West Bank, or Arab territories occupied since 1967. Any normalisation project that ignores Palestine risks becoming a mechanism for legalising aggression and rewarding expansion.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Many Arab and Muslim societies understand this clearly. Their governments may sometimes remain cautious because of diplomatic, economic or security pressures, but public opinion is far more direct. After Gaza, it has become extremely difficult to sell the idea that normalisation with Israel can proceed while Palestinians are bombed, displaced and denied sovereignty. Even in countries that already normalised relations with Israel, public unease has grown. The moral foundation of normalisation has weakened because the reality on the ground has become unbearable.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A just peace requires clear principles. First, Israel must end its occupation of Arab territories seized by force. Second, settlement expansion must stop, and illegal settlements must not be recognised as permanent facts. Third, the Palestinian people must receive their right to self-determination through a sovereign and viable state, including Gaza and the West Bank, with Jerusalem as its capital. Fourth, refugees must be addressed in accordance with international law and UN resolutions. Fifth, the sovereignty of Lebanon and Syria must be respected. Sixth, no country should assist policies that enable war crimes, ethnic displacement, settlement expansion or collective punishment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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The issue of foreign support for Israel is therefore not secondary. Countries that supply weapons, intelligence, diplomatic cover or financial support while serious violations are being alleged cannot escape moral responsibility. International law is not supposed to apply only to weak states. If arms are used in unlawful attacks on civilians, if occupation is sustained through foreign assistance, or if settlement expansion is protected by diplomatic vetoes, then supporting states also face serious ethical and legal questions. The world cannot condemn aggression in one region while enabling it in another.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This is also the problem with selective Western policy. When international law is invoked against rivals but ignored for allies, the credibility of the global order collapses. Many people in Asia, Africa, Latin America and the Middle East see this double standard clearly. They ask why occupation is condemned in one case but tolerated in Palestine; why civilian suffering matters in one war but is explained away in Gaza; why sanctions are imposed quickly on some states but delayed or softened when Israel is involved. Such selectivity does not strengthen international law. It weakens it.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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It is important to state clearly that criticism of Israel\u2019s policies is not hostility toward Jews. Jewish communities around the world are diverse, and many Jews themselves oppose occupation, apartheid-like practices, settlement expansion and the destruction of Gaza. The issue is not religion or ethnicity. The issue is state policy, military conduct, occupation, and accountability under international law. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Israel\u2019s long-term security cannot be built on occupation. No one can be permanently denied dignity without resistance. No region can remain stable while one state expands by force and another people live without sovereignty. No normalisation accord can succeed if it ignores the central wound of Palestine. Lasting peace will not come through military dominance, annexation or diplomatic pressure on weaker states. It will come through justice.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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The international community must return to first principles: land cannot be acquired by war; occupation must end; civilians must be protected; refugees have rights; Jerusalem cannot be seized unilaterally; settlements are illegal; and peace must be based on equality, not domination. These are not radical demands. They are the foundation of the United Nations system.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Israel today faces a crisis of legitimacy because its actions have exposed the gap between its narrative and its conduct. The world has seen Gaza. It has seen the West Bank. It has seen the settlements. It has seen the bombing of Lebanon and the continued occupation of the Golan Heights. It has seen international law ignored again and again. The result is a profound shift in global opinion.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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If Israel wants acceptance, it must choose a different path. It must withdraw from occupied territories, accept Palestinian sovereignty, respect international law, and abandon the illusion that force can produce permanent peace. If the world wants stability in the Middle East, it must stop rewarding aggression and start enforcing justice.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Palestinian question is not a side issue. It is the heart of Middle East peace. Until it is resolved with dignity, sovereignty and justice, every normalisation project will remain fragile, every ceasefire temporary, and every claim of peace incomplete.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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Reference Link:- https:\/\/www2.apdnews.cn\/en\/item\/26\/0601\/axjfmnan2a06d3cee8fe10.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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