{"id":31461,"date":"2026-04-15T08:55:32","date_gmt":"2026-04-15T08:55:32","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/gsrra.com\/?p=31461"},"modified":"2026-04-15T08:55:36","modified_gmt":"2026-04-15T08:55:36","slug":"china-taiwan-future-trends-of-cross-strait-ties-%e4%b8%ad%e5%9b%bd%e4%b8%8e%e5%8f%b0%e6%b9%be%ef%bc%9a%e4%b8%a4%e5%b2%b8%e5%85%b3%e7%b3%bb%e7%9a%84%e6%9c%aa%e6%9d%a5%e8%b5%b0%e5%90%91","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/gsrra.com\/?p=31461","title":{"rendered":"China-Taiwan: Future Trends of Cross-Strait Ties. \u4e2d\u56fd\u4e0e\u53f0\u6e7e\uff1a\u4e24\u5cb8\u5173\u7cfb\u7684\u672a\u6765\u8d70\u5411."},"content":{"rendered":"\n

\uff08\u4e0b\u8fb9\u6709\u4e2d\u6587\u7ffb\u8bd1\u8bf7\u7ee7\u7eed\u770b\u5230\u5e95\u3002 \u8c22\u8c22\u3002\uff09<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In diplomacy, some meetings are valuable because they solve problems. Others matter because they reopen the possibility of solving them. The April 10 meeting in Beijing between Xi Jinping and Kuomintang Chair Cheng Li-wun belongs firmly to the second category. It was the first such meeting between the leaders of the Communist Party of China and the Kuomintang in a decade, and in a tense international climate, that alone made it consequential. More importantly, both sides used the occasion to send a message that has become too rare in recent cross-Strait discourse: peace, dialogue, and development must again become the central language of relations across the Taiwan Strait.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

That message deserves attention. In the public portion of the meeting, Xi emphasized that people on both sides of the Strait want peace, improved relations, and better lives, and said Beijing was willing to strengthen exchanges and dialogue with political parties and people from all sectors in Taiwan based on adherence to the 1992 Consensus and opposition to \u201cTaiwan independence.\u201d Cheng, for her part, presented the visit as a mission for \u201ccross-Strait peace and better livelihoods,\u201d arguing that the Strait should not become a zone of conflict or a chessboard for outside interference, but a bridge of kinship, civilization, and hope. This was not merely ceremonial rhetoric. It was a deliberate attempt to move the conversation away from estrangement and back toward a framework of managed differences, practical cooperation, and long-term stability.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Beijing's
Beijing\u2019s Bold Moves What Next for Taiwan, Photo-Wikimedia-Commons-Taiwan<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

The significance of the meeting lies precisely there. For years, cross-Strait relations have been defined by distrust, military signaling, mutual suspicion, and political hardening. In such an environment, face-to-face contact between senior political actors acquires real strategic value. Cheng said the meeting demonstrated \u201cgenuine feeling, candour, and sincerity\u201d and described it as a \u201csuccessful first step.\u201d Xi, meanwhile, called it significant not only for party-to-party ties but for cross-Strait relations more broadly. When channels of communication narrow, risk rises. When channels reopen, even modestly, the immediate gain is not a dramatic transformation but the reduction of miscalculation. That is no small achievement in today\u2019s world.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

What makes this visit especially notable is that it was not framed only in abstract political terms. Cheng laid out a practical agenda: preserve Chinese history and culture, expand people-to-people and economic exchanges, and build a better cross-Strait future centered on livelihoods. She also proposed five more concrete directions: promote peaceful development, restore consultation mechanisms, safeguard peace and mutual benefit, expand Taiwan\u2019s international participation based on political trust, and continue using the CPC-KMT communication platform. Those proposals gave the meeting texture. They suggested that peace is not just a slogan but something that can be institutionalized through mechanisms, habits of contact, sectoral cooperation, and repeated communication.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

To understand why Beijing places such importance on this kind of meeting, one has to understand the Taiwan issue as China sees it. From the Chinese perspective, Taiwan is not a newly invented geopolitical dispute, nor simply an issue of contemporary strategy. It is an unresolved question left by history. The official Chinese position holds that Taiwan has belonged to China since ancient times; that it was ceded to Japan in 1895 under the unequal Treaty of Shimonoseki; that the 1943 Cairo Declaration and the 1945 Potsdam Proclamation provided for Taiwan\u2019s restoration to China after Japan\u2019s defeat; and that after 1949 the issue became an unfinished legacy of the Chinese civil war rather than a case of two separate sovereign states. In this telling, the Taiwan question is therefore internal to China, even though it has major international consequences.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This Chinese narrative is also anchored in post-1971 international diplomacy. Beijing points to UN General Assembly Resolution 2758, adopted on October 25, 1971, as the decision that restored the lawful rights of the People\u2019s Republic of China in the United Nations and recognized its government as the only legitimate representative of China at the UN. Chinese official statements interpret that resolution as confirming the one-China principle in the international system and rejecting formulations such as \u201ctwo Chinas\u201d or \u201cone China, one Taiwan.\u201d Whether others frame the matter differently is a separate debate; what matters for understanding the Chinese position is that Beijing sees 2758 as a foundational legal and political marker, not a peripheral reference.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

From this standpoint, the 1992 Consensus becomes essential. In the mainland\u2019s official understanding, its core meaning is that both sides of the Strait belong to one China and can pursue dialogue on that basis. Chinese sources present it as the political anchor that made practical cross-Strait exchanges possible and the key that unlocked consultation mechanisms in the 1990s and beyond. Cheng\u2019s remarks echoed that logic directly, arguing that the political foundation for renewed dialogue remains adherence to the 1992 Consensus and opposition to Taiwan independence. For Beijing, then, the meeting was not simply about goodwill. It was about reaffirming the minimum political basis on which peaceful development can resume.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

History also explains why this meeting stirred such interest. Cheng recalled Lien Chan\u2019s 2005 \u201cJourney of Peace\u201d as an ice-breaking moment. She further noted that the two parties later organized 11 Cross-Strait Forums, reached more than 100 common opinions, and that during the Kuomintang\u2019s eight years in office, the two sides signed 23 agreements that still benefit people on both sides. She also pointed to earlier periods in which Taiwan participated in forums such as the World Health Assembly and ICAO in an appropriate capacity under conditions of political mutual trust. The Chinese argument, in effect, is that the record already exists: when the political foundation is stable, practical gains follow.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

That is why the future course of action proposed after this meeting matters so much. The first task should be to turn symbolic contact into regularized contact. Consultation mechanisms do not need to solve every dispute immediately; they need to prevent silence from becoming policy. The second should be to expand those areas of cooperation that are hardest to oppose on human grounds: trade, youth exchanges, culture, health, eldercare, disaster prevention, environmental cooperation, and emerging technologies such as artificial intelligence. Cheng\u2019s emphasis on livelihoods was politically astute. Durable peace is not sustained by declarations alone. It is sustained when ordinary people see that calmer relations mean more jobs, more markets, more exchanges, less fear, and a wider horizon for the next generation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A third area is confidence-building through practical accommodation. Xi welcomed Taiwanese agricultural and fishery products to the mainland market and expressed support for broader exchanges and development opportunities, especially for youth. Cheng said that proposals concerning Taiwan\u2019s needs, including participation in certain international organizations and regional economic integration, received a positive response in principle. These are sensitive matters, but sensitivity is not an argument for paralysis. From the Chinese perspective, expanding Taiwan\u2019s participation in appropriate international spaces under the one-China framework can be part of trust-building rather than a concession to separatism. That is exactly why the question of political mutual trust featured so prominently in Cheng\u2019s agenda.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The deeper positive outcome one may reasonably expect from this visit is not immediate political settlement. It is a change in direction. Xi\u2019s own language, as relayed publicly, suggested patience: issues should be handled one by one, and the road should be walked step by step. Cheng made much the same point. That gradualism matters. It acknowledges that the Strait contains real differences in system, identity, and political experience, while still insisting that such differences need not justify permanent confrontation. Indeed, Xi\u2019s public position was that differences in social systems should not be used as an excuse for secession. China\u2019s 2022 white paper made a similar argument, stating that distinct systems need not be an obstacle to reunification. Within the Chinese narrative, then, the path forward is not denial of difference but management of difference under a broader national framework.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

There is also a larger regional point here. Cheng warned against allowing the Taiwan Strait to become a chessboard for external interference. That line is fully consistent with Beijing\u2019s long-standing view that outside powers complicate, rather than resolve, the Taiwan question. Whether one agrees with that view or not, there is wisdom in resisting the reduction of the Strait to a proxy theater of great-power rivalry. The people who would bear the highest cost of conflict are not commentators abroad. They are the people living on both sides of the Strait. Any political approach that lowers that risk deserves serious consideration.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This is why the visit should be received with cautious optimism, not cynical dismissal. It did not erase disagreement. It did not produce a final framework. It did not suddenly make the hard questions easy. But it did something that is urgently needed: it restored the idea that peace can still be pursued through political will, historical awareness, and practical steps. It reminded observers that cross-Strait peace is not an abstract dream. It is a policy choice, and one that can be strengthened through institutions, exchanges, and mutual respect.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

At a time when many had grown pessimistic, this meeting reopened a political door. That alone is meaningful. If both sides now build patiently on what was said in Beijing\u2014on dialogue, common historical memory, practical cooperation, and the belief that peace serves the people better than estrangement\u2014then Cheng Li-wun\u2019s visit may be remembered not as an isolated event, but as the beginning of a steadier, wiser, and more hopeful phase in cross-Strait relations.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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(\u00a0 \u6ce8\u610f\uff1a \u672c\u6587\u662f\u7528AI\u7ffb\u8bd1\u7684\uff0c\u6216\u6709\u8bef\u5dee\u3002\u8bf7\u4ee5\u539f\u7248\u82f1\u6587\u4e3a\u51c6\u3002\u8c22\u8c22\u3002<\/strong>)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Reference Link:- https:\/\/thinktank.pk\/2026\/04\/14\/china-taiwan-future-trends-of-cross-strait-ties\/<\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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