{"id":23753,"date":"2025-09-04T08:53:24","date_gmt":"2025-09-04T08:53:24","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/gsrra.com\/?p=23753"},"modified":"2025-09-04T08:53:26","modified_gmt":"2025-09-04T08:53:26","slug":"bharat-vs-india-%e5%8d%b0%e5%ba%a6vs-%e5%8d%b0%e5%ba%a6","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/gsrra.com\/?p=23753","title":{"rendered":"Bharat vs. India  \u5370\u5ea6vs.\u5370\u5ea6"},"content":{"rendered":"\n<p><strong>\uff08\u4e0b\u8fb9\u6709\u4e2d\u6587\u7ffb\u8bd1\u8bf7\u7ee7\u7eed\u770b\u5230\u5e95\u3002 \u8c22\u8c22\u3002\uff09<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>As the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) approaches its 100th anniversary, it stands as one of the most influential forces shaping modern India\u2019s political, social, and cultural trajectory.  \u968f\u7740\u56fd\u6c11\u5fd7\u613f\u670d\u52a1\u56e2\uff08RSS\uff09\u6210\u7acb100\u5468\u5e74\uff0c\u5b83\u6210\u4e3a\u5851\u9020\u73b0\u4ee3\u5370\u5ea6\u653f\u6cbb\u3001\u793e\u4f1a\u548c\u6587\u5316\u8f68\u8ff9\u7684\u6700\u5177\u5f71\u54cd\u529b\u7684\u529b\u91cf\u4e4b\u4e00\u3002<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><a href=\"https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/sharer\/sharer.php?u=https%3A%2F%2Fsouthasia.com.pk%2F2025%2F09%2F02%2Fbharat-vs-india%2F\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\" target=\"_blank\"><\/a><a href=\"https:\/\/api.whatsapp.com\/send?text=Bharat%20vs.%20India%20https%3A%2F%2Fsouthasia.com.pk%2F2025%2F09%2F02%2Fbharat-vs-india%2F\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\" target=\"_blank\"><\/a><a href=\"https:\/\/southasia.com.pk\/2025\/09\/02\/bharat-vs-india\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><\/a><a href=\"https:\/\/southasia.com.pk\/2025\/09\/02\/bharat-vs-india\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><\/a><a href=\"https:\/\/twitter.com\/intent\/tweet?via=southasiamag&amp;text=Bharat%20vs.%20India&amp;url=https%3A%2F%2Fsouthasia.com.pk%2F2025%2F09%2F02%2Fbharat-vs-india%2F\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\" target=\"_blank\"><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-image\">\n<figure class=\"aligncenter\"><img decoding=\"async\" src=\"https:\/\/southasia.com.pk\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/09\/Bharat-vs-India.webp\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-33838\"\/><\/figure>\n<\/div>\n\n\n<p><br>The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, commonly known as RSS, is an Indian right-wing Hindutva volunteer paramilitary organization that represents a fascist, extremist, and intolerant movement that has eroded India\u2019s secular fabric and endangered its minorities. The RSS was founded on 27 September 1925 in Nagpur by Dr. Keshav Baliram Hedgewar, a former Congress activist disillusioned with the party\u2019s secular nationalism. Drawing on Vinayak Damodar Savarkar\u2019s Hindutva doctrine, Hedgewar envisioned a disciplined Hindu society united above caste, class, or linguistic divides.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>An organization that regards the Mahabharat as an ultimate source for ideological guidance on matters of politics and Hindutva-led governance at the expense of the Indian Constitution, the RSS, from the word go, is an anti-secular, anti-minority force, vying for a Hindu-led Bharat in place of a secular India. The RSS\u2019s history is a century-long arc of ideological consolidation, political infiltration, and grassroots indoctrination\u2014culminating in its unprecedented dominance during the Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi era. From the start, RSS organized itself like a paramilitary\u2014structured shakhas (branches) drilled volunteers in physical training, nationalist songs, and ideological lectures. Hedgewar\u2019s successor, M. S. Golwalkar, hardened its worldview, portraying non-Hindus, especially Muslims and Christians, as alien elements who must either assimilate or accept a subordinate status. This language bore a disturbing resemblance to European fascist movements of the same period.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The RSS\u2019s ideology brought it into repeated confrontation with India\u2019s early leadership. It has been banned three times since independence:<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>\u2022 1948 \u2013 After Mahatma Gandhi\u2019s assassination by Nathuram Godse, a former RSS member, the Nehru government declared it a \u201cprivate army on Nazi lines.\u201d Thousands of cadres, including Golwalkar, were arrested. The ban was lifted only after the RSS pledged loyalty to the Constitution and the national flag.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>\u2022 1975 \u2013 Indira Gandhi\u2019s Emergency targeted the RSS for its opposition to authoritarian rule.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>\u2022 1992 \u2013 In the wake of the Babri Masjid demolition, the P. V. Narasimha Rao government banned the RSS and several affiliates.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>\u2022 For decades, government employees were prohibited from membership in the RSS\u2014a policy only overturned in 2024.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>From the late 1940s to the 1980s, the RSS avoided direct electoral politics, focusing instead on cultural mobilization. It built a sprawling family of affiliated organizations, the Sangh Parivar, covering education, labor unions, women\u2019s groups, student bodies, and militant youth wings like Bajrang Dal.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Politically speaking, the RSS influence flowed through the Bharatiya Jana Sangh (founded in 1951) and later the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). In the late 1980s and early 1990s, the RSS provided the ideological and organizational muscle for the Ayodhya Ram Janmabhoomi movement, culminating in the Babri Masjid\u2019s demolition in 1992. The 2002 Gujarat riots, during Narendra Modi\u2019s tenure as chief minister of the state, were another flashpoint where critics accused the RSS-linked networks of complicity in anti-Muslim violence.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Narendra Modi, a lifelong RSS pracharak (campaigner), became prime minister in 2014. Under his leadership, the RSS shifted from a backstage role to being the ideological nerve center of government. Its cultural symbols, vocabulary, and worldview have penetrated public policy, education, and state institutions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Critics document a marked rise in hate crimes against Muslims and Christians since 2014. Cow-protection lynchings, \u201clove jihad\u201d conspiracy theories, and open calls for Muslim exclusion from economic life have become disturbingly common. Many perpetrators operate through or alongside the RSS affiliates, often with political cover or tacit state sympathy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The RSS\u2019s narrative casts Indian Muslims as outsiders and Christians as agents of foreign influence. This ideological framing has contributed to vigilante attacks, harassment of interfaith couples, and the vandalism of churches. In Kashmir, the abrogation of Article 370 in 2019 aligned closely with the RSS\u2019s long-held demand to erase the region\u2019s special status, paving the way for demographic and political changes that weaken its Muslim majority character.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Such actions deepen alienation, sow distrust, and erode the fragile pluralism India once championed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The RSS excels at grassroots mobilization. Its network of schools, cultural associations, and media platforms amplifies narratives that portray minorities as demographic, cultural, and security threats. This creates a climate where hate speech is normalized, sectarian divisions are politically profitable, and dissenters are labeled as anti-national.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<blockquote class=\"wp-block-quote is-layout-flow wp-block-quote-is-layout-flow\">\n<p>The main narrative of the RSS casts Indian Muslims as outsiders and Christians as agents of foreign influence.<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n<p>With the centenary approaching, the RSS is no longer an underground cultural society. It is the most powerful socio-political machine in India, fused with the ruling party, and shaping the national agenda in ways that risk institutionalizing discrimination.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>From Pakistan\u2019s perspective, this is not just an Indian domestic issue but a regional security concern. An ideologically rigid, communal India increases the likelihood of sectarian violence, undermines bilateral dialogue, and jeopardizes the safety of Indian Muslims, Christians, and other minorities.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>If the dangers posed by the RSS are to be addressed, the response must be multidimensional:<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>\u2022 Document and Publicize Abuses \u2013 Compile verified data on hate crimes, vigilante violence, and institutional bias linked to the RSS ideology.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>\u2022 Strengthen Legal Protections \u2013 Demand stricter enforcement of anti-hate speech laws and legal accountability for political leaders who incite violence.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>\u00b7 Empower Minorities \u2013 Support community organizations, legal aid networks, and youth leadership programmes for Muslims, Christians, Dalits, and Adivasis.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>\u2022 Mobilize Civil Society \u2013 Build alliances among secular activists, journalists, academics, and artists to defend constitutional secularism.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>\u2022 Engage Internationally \u2013 Encourage global human rights bodies and democratic governments to monitor and pressure India on minority protections.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>\u2022 Counter the Narrative \u2013 Promote stories of interfaith cooperation, shared heritage, and pluralist values that directly challenge RSS propaganda.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>As it turns 100, the RSS represents a paradox: an organization that began as a \u201ccultural volunteer corps\u201d now wields unmatched influence over the world\u2019s largest democracy. For its supporters, it is the guardian of Hindu pride. For its critics, it is a fascist project undermining India\u2019s secular soul.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>India and the international community must choose whether to accept the RSS\u2019s vision of a Hindu-first nation or insist on the plural, inclusive republic promised in its Constitution.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>From Pakistan\u2019s vantage point, and for all who believe in the equal dignity of communities, the centenary of RSS must not be a celebration\u2014it must be a moment of reckoning.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh\uff0c\u901a\u5e38\u88ab\u79f0\u4e3aRSS\uff0c\u662f\u4e00\u4e2a\u5370\u5ea6\u53f3\u7ffc\u5370\u5ea6\u6559\u5fd7\u613f\u51c6\u519b\u4e8b\u7ec4\u7ec7\uff0c\u4ee3\u8868\u7740\u6cd5\u897f\u65af\u4e3b\u4e49\uff0c\u6781\u7aef\u4e3b\u4e49\u548c\u4e0d\u5bbd\u5bb9\u7684\u8fd0\u52a8\uff0c\u4fb5\u8680\u4e86\u5370\u5ea6\u7684\u4e16\u4fd7\u7ed3\u6784\u5e76\u5371\u53ca\u5176\u5c11\u6570\u6c11\u65cf\u3002RSS\u4e8e1925\u5e749\u670827\u65e5\u5728\u90a3\u683c\u6d66\u5c14\u7531Keshav Baliram Hedgewar\u535a\u58eb\u521b\u7acb\uff0c\u4ed6\u662f\u4e00\u4f4d\u5bf9\u8be5\u515a\u4e16\u4fd7\u6c11\u65cf\u4e3b\u4e49\u5e7b\u60f3\u7834\u706d\u7684\u524d\u56fd\u5927\u515a\u6d3b\u52a8\u5bb6\u3002\u6839\u636eVinayak Damodar Savarkar\u7684\u5370\u5ea6\u6559\u6559\u4e49\uff0cHedgewar\u8bbe\u60f3\u4e86\u4e00\u4e2a\u8d85\u8d8a\u79cd\u59d3\u3001\u9636\u7ea7\u6216\u8bed\u8a00\u9e3f\u6c9f\u7684\u6709\u7eaa\u5f8b\u7684\u5370\u5ea6\u793e\u4f1a\u3002<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>RSS\u5c06\u300a\u6469\u8bc3\u5a46\u7f57\u7279\u300b\u89c6\u4e3a\u653f\u6cbb\u4e8b\u52a1\u548c\u5370\u5ea6\u6559\u4e3b\u5bfc\u7684\u6cbb\u7406\u7684\u610f\u8bc6\u5f62\u6001\u6307\u5bfc\u7684\u7ec8\u6781\u6765\u6e90\uff0c\u4ee5\u727a\u7272\u5370\u5ea6\u5baa\u6cd5\u4e3a\u4ee3\u4ef7\u3002\u4ece\u4e00\u5f00\u59cb\uff0cRSS\u5c31\u662f\u4e00\u652f\u53cd\u4e16\u4fd7\u3001\u53cd\u5c11\u6570\u6c11\u65cf\u7684\u529b\u91cf\uff0c\u5b83\u5728\u4e89\u593a\u4e00\u4e2a\u5370\u5ea6\u6559\u4e3b\u5bfc\u7684\u5370\u5ea6\u6765\u53d6\u4ee3\u4e00\u4e2a\u4e16\u4fd7\u7684\u5370\u5ea6\u3002RSS\u7684\u5386\u53f2\u662f\u4e00\u4e2a\u957f\u8fbe\u4e00\u4e2a\u4e16\u7eaa\u7684\u610f\u8bc6\u5f62\u6001\u5de9\u56fa\u3001\u653f\u6cbb\u6e17\u900f\u548c\u57fa\u5c42\u704c\u8f93\u7684\u5386\u53f2\uff0c\u5728\u5370\u5ea6\u603b\u7406\u7eb3\u4f26\u5fb7\u62c9\u00b7\u83ab\u8fea\u65f6\u4ee3\u8fbe\u5230\u4e86\u524d\u6240\u672a\u6709\u7684\u7edf\u6cbb\u5730\u4f4d\u3002\u4ece\u4e00\u5f00\u59cb\uff0cRSS\u5c31\u50cf\u4e00\u4e2a\u51c6\u519b\u4e8b\u7ec4\u7ec7\u7684shakhas\uff08\u5206\u652f\uff09\u4e00\u6837\u7ec4\u7ec7\u81ea\u5df1\uff0c\u5bf9\u5fd7\u613f\u8005\u8fdb\u884c\u4f53\u80fd\u8bad\u7ec3\u3001\u6c11\u65cf\u4e3b\u4e49\u6b4c\u66f2\u548c\u610f\u8bc6\u5f62\u6001\u8bb2\u5ea7\u3002\u300a\u523a\u732c\u300b\u7684\u7ee7\u4efb\u8005m\u00b7s\u00b7\u6208\u5c14\u6c83\u514b\uff08M. S. Golwalkar\uff09\u5f3a\u5316\u4e86\u81ea\u5df1\u7684\u4e16\u754c\u89c2\uff0c\u628a\u975e\u5370\u5ea6\u6559\u5f92\uff0c\u5c24\u5176\u662f\u7a46\u65af\u6797\u548c\u57fa\u7763\u5f92\uff0c\u63cf\u7ed8\u6210\u5916\u6765\u5143\u7d20\uff0c\u8981\u4e48\u88ab\u540c\u5316\uff0c\u8981\u4e48\u63a5\u53d7\u4ece\u5c5e\u5730\u4f4d\u3002\u8fd9\u79cd\u8bed\u8a00\u4e0e\u540c\u4e00\u65f6\u671f\u7684\u6b27\u6d32\u6cd5\u897f\u65af\u8fd0\u52a8\u6709\u4ee4\u4eba\u4e0d\u5b89\u7684\u76f8\u4f3c\u4e4b\u5904\u3002<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>RSS\u7684\u610f\u8bc6\u5f62\u6001\u4f7f\u5176\u4e0e\u5370\u5ea6\u65e9\u671f\u9886\u5bfc\u5c42\u4e0d\u65ad\u53d1\u751f\u51b2\u7a81\u3002\u81ea\u72ec\u7acb\u4ee5\u6765\uff0c\u5b83\u5df2\u7ecf\u88ab\u7981\u6b62\u4e86\u4e09\u6b21\uff1a<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>1948\u5e74\u2014\u2014\u5728\u5723\u96c4\u7518\u5730\uff08Mahatma Gandhi\uff09\u88ab\u524dRSS\u6210\u5458\u7eb3\u56fe\u62c9\u59c6\u00b7\u6208\u5fb7\u585e\uff08Nathuram Godse\uff09\u6697\u6740\u540e\uff0c\u5c3c\u8d6b\u9c81\u653f\u5e9c\u5ba3\u5e03\u5b83\u662f\u4e00\u652f\u201c\u7eb3\u7cb9\u8def\u7ebf\u4e0a\u7684\u79c1\u4eba\u519b\u961f\u201d\u3002\u5305\u62ecGolwalkar\u5728\u5185\u7684\u6570\u5343\u540d\u5e72\u90e8\u88ab\u902e\u6355\u3002\u5728RSS\u5ba3\u8a93\u6548\u5fe0\u5baa\u6cd5\u548c\u56fd\u65d7\u540e\uff0c\u7981\u4ee4\u624d\u88ab\u89e3\u9664\u3002<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>\u20221975\u5e74\u2014\u2014\u82f1\u8fea\u62c9\u00b7\u7518\u5730\uff08Indira Gandhi\uff09\u7684\u7d27\u6025\u72b6\u6001\u4ee5\u53cd\u5bf9\u5a01\u6743\u7edf\u6cbb\u7684RSS\u4e3a\u76ee\u6807\u3002<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>1992\u5e74\uff0c\u5728\u5df4\u5e03\u91cc\u6e05\u771f\u5bfa\u88ab\u62c6\u9664\u4e4b\u540e\uff0cp\u00b7v\u00b7\u7eb3\u62c9\u8f9b\u54c8\u00b7\u62c9\u5965\u653f\u5e9c\u7981\u6b62\u4e86RSS\u548c\u51e0\u4e2a\u5206\u652f\u673a\u6784\u3002<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>\u2022\u51e0\u5341\u5e74\u6765\uff0c\u653f\u5e9c\u96c7\u5458\u88ab\u7981\u6b62\u52a0\u5165rss\u2014\u2014\u8fd9\u9879\u653f\u7b56\u76f4\u52302024\u5e74\u624d\u88ab\u63a8\u7ffb\u3002<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>\u4ece20\u4e16\u7eaa40\u5e74\u4ee3\u672b\u523080\u5e74\u4ee3\uff0cRSS\u907f\u514d\u4e86\u76f4\u63a5\u7684\u9009\u4e3e\u653f\u6cbb\uff0c\u800c\u662f\u4e13\u6ce8\u4e8e\u6587\u5316\u52a8\u5458\u3002\u5b83\u5efa\u7acb\u4e86\u4e00\u4e2a\u5e9e\u5927\u7684\u9644\u5c5e\u7ec4\u7ec7\u5bb6\u65cf\uff0cSangh 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\u6ce8\u610f<strong>\uff1a \u672c\u6587\u662f\u7528AI\u7ffb\u8bd1\u7684\uff0c\u6216\u6709\u8bef\u5dee\u3002\u8bf7\u4ee5\u539f\u7248\u82f1\u6587\u4e3a\u51c6\u3002\u8c22\u8c22\u3002<\/strong>)<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Reference Link:- <a href=\"https:\/\/southasia.com.pk\/2025\/09\/02\/bharat-vs-india\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">https:\/\/southasia.com.pk\/2025\/09\/02\/bharat-vs-india\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>\uff08\u4e0b\u8fb9\u6709\u4e2d\u6587\u7ffb\u8bd1\u8bf7\u7ee7\u7eed\u770b\u5230\u5e95\u3002 \u8c22\u8c22\u3002\uff09 As the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) approaches its 100th anniversary, it stands as one of the most influential forces shaping modern India\u2019s political, social, and cultural trajectory. \u968f\u7740\u56fd\u6c11\u5fd7\u613f\u670d\u52a1\u56e2\uff08RSS\uff09\u6210\u7acb100\u5468\u5e74\uff0c\u5b83\u6210\u4e3a\u5851\u9020\u73b0\u4ee3\u5370\u5ea6\u653f\u6cbb\u3001\u793e\u4f1a\u548c\u6587\u5316\u8f68\u8ff9\u7684\u6700\u5177\u5f71\u54cd\u529b\u7684\u529b\u91cf\u4e4b\u4e00\u3002 The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, commonly known as RSS, is an Indian right-wing Hindutva volunteer paramilitary organization that represents a fascist, extremist, and intolerant movement that 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